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US leans harder on Opec+ to boost output: Update

  • Spanish Market: Crude oil, Oil products
  • 11/08/21

Adds views from Opec+ delegates

US president Joe Biden's administration is urging Opec+ members to move faster to unwind the crude production cuts they made last year, citing concerns that unchecked fuel price increases will undermine the global economic recovery.

Opec+ "must do more to support the recovery" by accelerating the timeline for offsetting production declines it made last year when Covid-19 lockdowns peaked, White House national security adviser Jake Sullivan said today. The administration says it has been engaging with Opec+ members to stress that point.

"At a critical moment in the global recovery, this is simply not enough," Sullivan said.

Opec+ members last month agreed to increase their collective output target by 400,000 b/d each month until April next year, followed by monthly production increases of 432,000 b/d until last year's cuts are fully reversed, with the possibility to pause output rises for three months depending on market conditions. That timeline would have Opec+ fully unwind last year's cuts as soon as September 2022 or as late as December 2022.

The US administration has a more direct way of affecting Opec+ production levels, but that is tied to the outcome of stalled US-Iran nuclear talks. Lifting US sanctions against Tehran would boost global supply once Iran restores its production and export capacity.

US regular grade retail gasoline prices for the week ending on 9 August averaged $3.17/USG, the highest in nearly seven years, according to the US Energy Information Administration. A surge in travel demand this summer, the economic recovery and only modest increases in domestic crude production have put upward pressure on prices.

Biden's administration last month leaned on Opec+ members publicly for the first time to reach a deal on production increases, partly because of concerns about gasoline prices in the US. But the diplomatic push on Opec+ to boost output, at the same time as the administration constrains production on federal land, will give Republicans further ammunition to argue Biden's policies are unfair on domestic energy producers.

"Begging the Saudis to increase production while the White House ties one hand behind the backs of American energy companies is pathetic and embarrassing," US senator John Cornyn (R-Texas) said.

The effort also undercuts Biden's strategy of reducing US dependence on fossil fuels as a way to help address climate change.

The White House is separately leaning on other federal agencies to make sure the prices consumers pay at the pump are competitive. National Economic Council director Brian Deese today asked Federal Trade Commission (FTC) chair Lina Khan to use the agency's tools to monitor gasoline prices and investigate if there was any "illegal conduct" that might be causing the rise.

"The FTC could examine the asymmetrical phenomenon in oil and gas markets in which [gasoline] prices tend to rise more quickly to adjust to spikes in oil prices than they fall when the price of oil declines," Deese wrote.

The letter was also sent to the US Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC), the US Federal Energy Regulatory Commission and the US Justice Department. The CFTC has yet to release a comprehensive study offering a full analysis of the crash in the Nymex front-month WTI crude price on 20 April 2020 when it settled at negative $37.63/bl, and instead has only completed an interim report.

Make your rival an ally

Since the Opec+ coalition was formed in 2016, the US has played the part of both a political ally to some of the group's members and a production rival, whose shale output becomes increasingly more cost-effective as production cuts prop up global oil prices. But economic considerations have trumped diplomatic entreaties in determining Opec+ policy.

The group sets its sights on market stability, factoring in global inventories, producer and buyer interests, and the extent to which price levels affect oil sector investment and the long-term supply outlook. Two Opec+ delegates flagged that the market, as it stands, is unlikely to be able to accommodate a more accelerated pace of output growth than currently planned, with one of them adding that the spread of the Covid-19 Delta variant has contributed to market uncertainty. A third delegate noted that Opec+ is already set to deliver a substantial increase in production, as the rising quotas come on the back of Saudi Arabia ending its extra 1mn b/d cut last month.

However, there are some lingering questions over the ability of some Opec+ member countries to meet their higher production targets. In west Africa, a lack of investment and natural decline at mature fields drove Angola's July output to the lowest since early 2005. Some Opec+ countries — notably Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Iraq and the UAE — are working on growing their crude capacity, which could in theory compensate shortfalls elsewhere, although the coalition insists that individual deal participants comply with their quotas.


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28/03/25

UK EAC to explore airport expansion, net zero conflict

UK EAC to explore airport expansion, net zero conflict

London, 28 March (Argus) — UK parliament's cross-party environmental audit committee (EAC) has begun an inquiry into whether the country's airport capacity expansion could be achieved in line with its climate and environment targets. "The aviation sector is a major contributor to the UK's carbon emissions, and on the face of it, any expansion in the sector will make net zero even more elusive," EAC chair Toby Perkins said. Any expansions must meet strict climate and environment commitments, the UK government has said. The government in January expressed support for a third runway at London's Heathrow airport — the country's largest. UK transport minister Heidi Alexander said in February that she was "minded to approve" an expansion at London's Gatwick airport, ahead of a final decision in October. The expansion would involve Gatwick making its northern runway operational. It is currently only used as a back-up option. The government is also "contemplating decisions on airport expansion projects at London Luton… and on the reopening of Doncaster Sheffield," Perkins said. "It is possible — but very difficult — for the airport expansion programme to be consistent with environmental goals," Perkins said. "We look forward to exploring how the government believes this can be achieved." The UK has a legally-binding target of net zero emissions by 2050. Its carbon budgets — a cap on emissions over a certain period — are also legally binding. The government must this year set levels for the UK's seventh carbon budget , which will cover the period 2038-42. The committee has invited written submissions on the possible airport expansions and net zero, with a deadline of 24 April. It will report in the autumn. By Georgia Gratton Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

Oil, biofuel groups meet to align on RFS policy


27/03/25
27/03/25

Oil, biofuel groups meet to align on RFS policy

New York, 27 March (Argus) — Energy and farm groups met last week at the American Petroleum Institute to negotiate a joint request for President Donald Trump's administration as it develops new biofuel blend mandates, according to five people familiar with the matter. The private meeting involved groups from across the supply chain, including representatives of feedstock suppliers, biofuel producers, fuel marketers, and oil refiners with Renewable Fuel Standard (RFS) obligations. The groups coordinated earlier this year around a letter to the Trump administration on the need to update the RFS and are now seeking agreement on other program elements. According to the people familiar with the matter, the groups agree on pushing the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) to set higher blend mandates under the program's D4 biomass-based diesel and D5 advanced biofuel categories. Groups support slightly different volume targets that are nevertheless all in "a rounding number of each other" in the D4 category, according to one lobbyist. But there is still disagreement about whether to ramp up mandates quickly in 2026 or provide a longer runway to higher volumes. Clean Fuels Alliance America and farm groups have publicly supported a biomass-based diesel mandate of at least 5.25bn USG starting next year, which could justify a broader advanced biofuel mandate above 9bn USG, according to the people familiar, though others worry about fuel cost impacts if mandates spike so quickly. The current mandate for 2025 is 7.33bn USG in the advanced biofuels category, including a 3.35bn USG mandate for the biomass-based diesel subcategory, so the volumes being pushed for future years would be a steep increase. The RFS, highly influential for fuel and commodity crop prices, requires oil refiners and importers to blend annual amounts of biofuels into the conventional fuel supply or buy Renewable Identification Number (RIN) credits from those who do. The idea behind the groups' coordination is that the Trump administration might more quickly finalize RFS updates if lobbyists with a history of sparring over biofuel policy can articulate a shared vision of the program's future. One person familiar said the effort comes after the Trump administration directed industry to align biofuel policy goals, though others said they understood the coordination as largely voluntary. EPA did not provide comment. There is less agreement around the program's D6 conventional biofuel category, which is mostly met by corn ethanol. Oil groups have in the past criticized EPA for setting the implied D6 mandate at 15bn USG, above the amount of ethanol that can feasibly be blended into gasoline, though excess biofuels from lower-carbon categories can be used to meet conventional obligations. Ethanol interests support setting the D6 mandate even higher than 15bn USG, which could be a tough sell. The discussions to date have not involved targets for D3 cellulosic biofuels, a relatively small part of the program. A proposal to lower 2024 volumes has hurt D3 credit prices, signaling that future mandates are effectively optional, according to frustrated biogas executives , and has reduced the salience of the issue for other groups. A proposal from President Joe Biden's administration to create a new category called "eRINs" to credit biogas used to power electric vehicles has similarly not come up. "We're not expecting to see any attempt to include eRINs in this next [RFS] proposal," Renewable Fuels Association president Geoff Cooper told Argus earlier this month. The meeting last week was largely oriented around the RFS, though a National Association of Truck Stop Operators representative raised the issue of tax policy too. The group has been frustrated by the expiration of a long-running blenders credit and the introduction this year of a less generous credit for refiners, which is only partially implemented and has spurred a sharp decline in biomass-based diesel production. But others involved in negotiations, while they acknowledge tax uncertainty could hurt their case for strong mandates, are trying to avoid contentious topics and focus mostly on volumes. Republican lawmakers are separately weighing whether to keep, repeal, or adjust that credit to help out fuel from domestic crops, and there is no telling how long that debate might take to resolve. Another thorny issue discussed at the meeting is RFS exemptions for small refineries. Biofuel producers strongly oppose such waivers and say that exempted volumes should at least be reallocated among facilities that still have obligations. Oil groups have their own views, though it is unclear how involved the American Fuel and Petrochemical Manufacturers — which represents some small refiners and has generally been more critical of the RFS than the American Petroleum Institute — are in discussions. EPA is aiming to finalize new volume mandates by the end of this year , people familiar with the administration's thinking have said, though timing for a proposal is still unclear. Future conversations among energy and farm groups to solidify points of unity — and strategize around how to downplay disagreements — are likely, lobbyists said. RIN prices rally Speculation over the trajectory of the RFS, and the potential for higher future volumes, supported soybean oil futures and widened the bean oil-heating oil (BOHO) spread. The BOHO spread maintains a positive correlation with D4 RIN prices as a widening value raises demand for D4 credits as biofuel producers look to offset higher production costs. Thursday's session ended with current-year ethanol D6 credits valued between 79¢/RIN and 82¢/RIN, while their D4 counterparts held at a premium and closed with a range of 84¢/RIN to 89¢/RIN. These gains each measured more than 5.5pc growth relative to Wednesday's values. By Cole Martin and Matthew Cope Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

Several countries have met fossil finance pledge: CSO


27/03/25
27/03/25

Several countries have met fossil finance pledge: CSO

London, 27 March (Argus) — Two-thirds of "high-income" signatories that pledged to end public finance for international fossil fuels have policies in place that realise their commitment, civil society organisation (CSO) Oil Change International said today. Of the 17 "high-income" signatories, 11 are compliant, Oil Change found. They total ten developed countries — Australia, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, New Zealand, Norway, Spain, Sweden and the UK — as well as EU development institution the European Investment Bank (EIB). The policy details vary, "but all put a complete halt to investments in new oil and gas extraction and LNG infrastructure", Oil Change said. The pledge referred to — the Clean Energy Transition Partnership (CETP) — was launched at the UN Cop 21 climate summit in 2021. It aims to shift international public finance "from the unabated fossil fuel energy sector to the clean energy transition". Signatories commit to ending new direct public support for overseas unabated fossil fuel projects within a year of joining. Other countries have updated policy to restrict fossil fuel financing abroad, but Oil Change has deemed them not in line with the pledge made. Belgium's policy "breaches the end-of-2022 deadline, allowing support for projects that have received promise of insurance by July 2022 into 2023", Oil Change said. The Netherlands allows some projects that requested support in 2022 to be approved in 2023, while there are "energy security exemptions and exemptions for some continued support in low-income countries", Oil Change said. The CSO assessed Germany's policy as containing a number of "major loopholes", including not ruling out public finance for gas infrastructure and gas-fired power plants. And it noted that Italy's policy for its export credit agency "allows fossil fuel finance to continue virtually unhindered". Germany has provided $1.5bn across 11 projects since the 2022 deadline passed, while Italy approved nearly $1.1bn for four projects in 2023, Oil Change said. Oil Change classed Switzerland's policy as "severely misaligned", while Portugal has not submitted a policy and the US has withdrawn from the agreement. The US provided $3.7bn for 12 international fossil fuel projects between end-2022 and end-2024, while it approved $4.7bn for the Mozambique LNG project after leaving the CETP. The CETP now has 40 signatories including five development banks and 35 countries. By Georgia Gratton Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

Repsol to begin Nantes bitumen terminal flows in April


27/03/25
27/03/25

Repsol to begin Nantes bitumen terminal flows in April

London, 27 March (Argus) — Spanish integrated Repsol plans to supply next week its first bitumen cargo to the Nantes import terminal on the French Atlantic coast. It will move a second cargo to the terminal during April. The start of these flows will coincide with the scheduled restart of the 50/50 Repsol/Moeve joint venture 1.2mn t/yr Asesa bitumen refinery. The refinery has been down since early March for planned maintenance work. The Nantes oil products terminal, including the bitumen storage facility there, has been operated by Dutch liquid bulk storage firm Chane since summer 2024, after a rebrand from its previous name Alkion Terminals. Shell ceased its bitumen cargo throughput deal into and truck supply operation from Nantes and Bayonne at the end of 2024. Repsol and Abu Dhabi-controlled Spanish energy company Moeve then struck exclusive deals to supply bitumen cargoes to Nantes and Bayonne respectively. Cepsa began exclusively using the Bayonne bitumen terminal from 1 February. Repsol has been increasingly active in bitumen export markets over the past year or so, underlined by rising cargo flows from its 135,000 b/d La Coruna and 220,000 b/d Bilbao refineries on the Spanish Atlantic coast. The Nantes terminal has three 4,000t storage tanks. One of the tanks is undergoing work and will be available for use from June. By Fenella Rhodes Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

UK GHG emissions fell by 4pc in 2024


27/03/25
27/03/25

UK GHG emissions fell by 4pc in 2024

London, 27 March (Argus) — The UK's greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions fell by 4pc year-on-year in 2024, provisional data released by the government today show, driven principally by lower gas and coal use in the power and industry sectors. GHG emissions in the UK totalled 371mn t of CO2 equivalent (CO2e) last year, the data show, representing a fall of 54pc compared with 1990 levels. The UK has legally-binding targets to cut its GHG emissions by 68pc by 2030 and 81pc by 2035 against 1990 levels, and to reach net zero emissions by 2050. The electricity sector posted the largest proportional year-on-year fall of 15pc, standing 82pc below 1990 levels at 37.5mn t CO2e. The decline was largely a result of record-high net imports and a 7pc increase in renewable output reducing the call on coal and gas-fired generation, as well as the closure of the country's last coal power plant in September , which together outweighed a marginal rise in overall electricity demand, the government said. Industry posted the next largest emissions decline of 9pc, falling to 48.3mn t CO2e, or 69pc below 1990 levels, as a result of lower coal use across sectors and the closure of iron and steel blast furnaces. Fuel supply emissions fell by 6pc to 28.4mn t CO2e, 63pc below where they stood in 1990. And emissions in the UK's highest-emitting sector, domestic transport, fell by 2pc to 110.1mn t CO2e, 15pc below 1990 levels, as road vehicle diesel use declined. Emissions in the remaining sectors, including agriculture, waste and land use, land use change and forestry (LULUCF), edged down collectively by 1pc to 67.2mn t CO2e, some 50pc below 1990 levels. Only emissions from buildings and product uses increased on the year, rising by 2pc as gas use increased, but still standing 27pc below 1990 levels at 79.8mn t CO2e. UK-based international aviation emissions, which are not included in the overall UK GHG figures, rose by 9pc last year to reach pre-Covid 19 pandemic levels of 26.1mn t CO2e, the data show. But UK-based international shipping emissions edged down by 1pc to 6.2mn t CO2e. By Victoria Hatherick Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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