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Malaysia releases updated energy transition policy

  • Spanish Market: Emissions
  • 02/10/24

Malaysia has released its updated national climate change policy, which sets out a new framework for the country's transition toward a low-carbon economy.

Malaysia on 30 September launched its National Climate Change Policy 2.0, an update to its first national climate change policy that was implemented in 2009. It serves as an "umbrella policy" that ties together the country's various climate initiatives. It sets out a strategic framework to provide an overarching guide on achieving goals, including targets in its nationally determined contribution (NDC) to the Paris agreement — climate plans. The updated policy made no mention of 2035 goals, although countries, including Malaysia, are due to submit their NDCs for that period in November-February to the to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC).

The country's NDC targets remain unchanged, with the country aiming to reduce emissions by 45pc by 2030 compared with 2005 levels, and achieve net zero by 2050. Its greenhouse gas emissions in 2019 totalled 330.4mn t of CO2 equivalent (CO2e), states the policy document, up from 250mn t of CO2e in 2005. The energy sector accounts for more than 79pc of the country's emissions.

The policy acknowledges that as a trading nation and oil producing country, the shifts required for the energy transition pose risks to Malaysia. Policy changes such as carbon pricing may result in overall costs of doing business, and such changes need to be just to ensure there are no negative societal impacts, and no stranded assets. The policy, regulatory, technological and market shifts "are likely to significantly impact Malaysia's economy," states the policy document.

Currently, 20-30pc of Malaysia's economy is reliant on sectors that face the aforementioned risks, such as the oil and gas, power generation, metals and mining sectors. Bank Negara Malaysia, the central bank, estimates that the country stands to lose $65.3bn/yr in export revenue "if it fails to comply to these transition risks."

The updated policy attempts to address these risks and sets out five strategic thrusts that constitute its new climate change framework. One of these is to strengthen climate governance and institutional capacity. The initiatives under this include creating a comprehensive legal framework to regulate climate action and establishing an effective governance structure to manage climate action.

Malaysia, much like many other developing economies, faces challenges in receiving adequate financing for its energy transition. It is estimated that the country needs 350bn ringgit ($84bn) in investments to achieve its net zero goals, according to the policy document.

To address this, another key strategy in the policy is to scale up blended financing and stimulate a green economy by increasing the involvement of private sector. In line with this, Malaysia aims to explore the feasibility of carbon pricing instruments and to develop a national policy for the carbon market, to give guidance on carbon trading, including on international compliance and voluntary markets.

Other strategies under the policy include supporting carbon capture, utilisation and storage development, as well as enhancing international collaboration on low carbon technology and innovations, although specifics on these initiatives were not provided.


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02/10/24

California eyes more oilseed limits as LCFS vote nears

California eyes more oilseed limits as LCFS vote nears

Houston, 2 October (Argus) — California regulators proposed late Tuesday expanding limits on the Low Carbon Fuel Standard (LCFS) credits certain oilseeds may generate while keeping the program's tougher targets and adoption schedule unchanged. The latest proposed California Air Resources Board (CARB) revisions add sunflower oil — a feedstock with no current approved users or previous indicated use in the program — to restrictions first proposed in August on canola and soybean oil feedstocks for biomass-based diesel. The new language maintained a proposal to make the program's annual targets 9pc tougher in 2025 and to achieve by 2030 a 30pc reduction from 2010 transportation fuel carbon intensity levels. CARB staff's latest proposals, published a little before midnight ET on 1 October, offer comparatively minor adjustments to the shock August revisions that spurred a nearly $20 after-hours rally in LCFS prompt prices. Prompt credits early in Wednesday's session traded higher by $3 than they closed the previous trading day. LCFS programs require yearly reductions in transportation fuel carbon intensity. Higher-carbon fuels that exceed these annual limits incur deficits that suppliers must offset with credits generated from the distribution to the market of approved, lower-carbon alternatives. California's program has helped spur a rush of new US renewable diesel production capacity, swamping west coast fuel markets and inundating the state's LCFS program with compliance credits. CARB reported more than 26mn metric tonnes of credits on hand by April this year — more than double the number of new program deficits generated in all of 2023. Staff have sought through this year's rulemaking to restore incentives to more deeply decarbonize state transportation than thought possible during revisions last made in 2019. California formally began this rulemaking process in early January after publishing draft proposals in late December. Regulators initially proposed adjusting 2025 targets lower by 5pc for 2025 — a one-time decrease called a stepdown — to work toward a 30pc reduction target for 2030. CARB set its sights on 21 March for adoption. But staff pulled that proposal in February as hundreds of comments in response poured in. Updated language released on 12 August proposed a steeper stepdown for 2025 of 9pc while keeping the 30pc target for 2030. The proposal also added a limit on credit generation from certain crop-based feedstocks, to 20pc of the associated volume delivered to California in certain cases. Respondents generally supported the tougher targets, though fuel suppliers warned of higher prices and some credit generators argued that the state should be even more ambitious. No one praised the proposed limits on credit generation. Environmental advocates said the proposal fell short of the protections they sought against crop conversion and other risks; agribusiness warned that the concept distorted the LCFS and could spark lawsuits. By Elliott Blackburn Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

Clean fuel credit not on Treasury priority list


01/10/24
01/10/24

Clean fuel credit not on Treasury priority list

New York, 1 October (Argus) — The US Department of Treasury says it will prioritize issuing final guidance around qualifying for a handful of Inflation Reduction Act clean energy tax credits before the end of President Joe Biden's administration, though guidance around a new credit for low-carbon fuels will likely take longer. The agency's new timeline suggests that granular rules around how to qualify for the 2022 climate law's clean fuels incentive will ultimately be decided by the winner of this year's presidential election. Kicking off in January and lasting through 2027, the 45Z tax credit will replace a suite of expiring fuel-specific credits and offer up to $1/USG for low-carbon road fuels and up to $1.75/USG for low-carbon aviation fuels. Treasury is still "actively" working on guidance around the 45Z incentive, Treasury acting assistant secretary for tax policy Aviva Aron-Dine told reporters today. But unlike for other credits, officials have not provided any timeline for proposing or finalizing that guidance or any signal of whether they could issue any safe harbor assurances before final guidance is available. The Biden administration has not yet clarified how it will calculate greenhouse gas emissions or account for the benefits of "climate-smart" agricultural practices for fuels derived from crop feedstocks, potentially deterring investments until final guidance is available. The 45Z credit requires fuel to meet an initial carbon intensity threshold and then increases the subsidy as a fuel's greenhouse gas emissions fall. Policy clarity is essential, biofuel groups say, since fuel and feedstock offtake contracts are hashed out months in advance and the credit is relatively short-lived compared to other Inflation Reduction Act incentives. Some farm state lawmakers have also pushed for final guidance to bar refiners using foreign feedstocks — such as used cooking oil from China — from being able to claim the credit. The Biden administration still expects to finalize guidance for the 45V clean hydrogen tax credit by year-end out of recognition that the industry "needs certainty" to invest, Aron-Dine said. The final guidance will provide "appropriate adjustments and additional flexibilities" to help projects move forward, she said, while adhering to requirements to consider indirect greenhouse gas emissions caused by the production of clean hydrogen. Treasury also expects to issue final guidance by the end of the administration on the 45Y clean electricity production credit and clean electricity investment credit, a technology-neutral tax credit it proposed earlier this year. The final guidance will continue the "explosive growth" of wind and solar and also provide tax credits to emerging technologies that produce no net greenhouse gas emissions, Aron-Dine said. Other tax credits set to be finalized by the end of the administration include the section 48 investment tax credit and the 45X advanced manufacturing production credit that is supporting the buildout of domestic supply chains, Aron-Dine said. By Cole Martin and Chris Knight Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

US election could shift climate action to states


30/09/24
30/09/24

US election could shift climate action to states

Scottsdale, 30 September (Argus) — Significant policy shifts on market-based actions to address climate change could come from US states if former president Donald Trump is re-elected. A Trump administration is expected to be much less friendly to environmental markets, with the Republican nominee pledging on the campaign trail to repeal major tax incentives and other policies that support emissions-reduction efforts. That could open the door to more action by Democratic-led states, according to speakers Monday at the Environmental Markets Association (EMA) annual meeting in Scottsdale, Arizona. "When Republicans win the White House, you tend to see the blue and purple states lean more aggressively into getting in the driver's seat on climate action," said Eric Scheriff, Capstone senior managing director of sustainability practice. Scheriff highlighted eight states that increased their renewable portfolio standard (RPS) targets during the first Trump administration and said there is further potential for programs to expand and set more ambitious mandates in response to a second Trump presidency. A Republican-led White House would likely catalyze further development of New York's proposed cap-and-trade program, while spurring a more aggressive Low Carbon Fuel Standard program in California. Expectations are that vice president Kamala Harris, the Democratic nominee, would continue President Joe Biden's climate policies. But a Harris administration has the potential to create a more durable voluntary carbon market, according to Janet Peace, head of policy for Anew Climate. "You could have the enshrinement on a government principle of what is high quality carbon," Peace said. Action by the US Congress could give the Commodity Futures Trading Commission the authority needed to create a more transparent voluntary carbon market, Peace said. But the voluntary market could have the opportunity to expand under either administration, she said. Meanwhile, the fate of the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) remains a point of contention under a Trump administration. Trump has pledged to repeal many of the energy tax credits in the IRA, while Harris has promised to create "America forward tax credits" that focus on growth for certain industries. While money from the IRA has flowed to Republican states, this is unlikely to stem appetites to go after the provisions in a Trump administration, according to Kevin Poloncarz, partner and co-chair of the environmental and energy practice group at the law firm Covington & Burling. "There's lots of ways it could be nibbled around the edges," Poloncarz said. This could come in the form of how the US Treasury and Internal Revenue Service go about implementing provisions of the IRA since the final rules for some have not yet been issued, such as what qualifies for the 45V clean hydrogen tax credit. A rush by the Biden administration to finalize the rules before the election would not necessarily remove any uncertainty, Poloncarz said. Congress under a Trump administration could pass a Congressional Review Act resolution, scuttling the rules and effectively prohibiting the agencies from adopting similar rules without the express permission of lawmakers. By Denise Cathey Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

Focus on Article 6 as VCM flounders


30/09/24
30/09/24

Focus on Article 6 as VCM flounders

Washington, 30 September (Argus) — As the UN Cop 29 climate summit in Baku, Azerbaijan, approaches in November, the focus is increasingly on whether countries will finally agree on the rules that can unlock future carbon markets under Article 6 of the Paris agreement. Market proponents consider a repeat of last year's Cop 28 in Dubai — where parties failed to agree on the mechanism's rules — would be the worst possible outcome. But they are optimistic given Article 6's placement high on the agenda. "Now it is at the heads of delegation level, which we've never seen," International Emissions Trading Association managing director Katie Sullivan says. But she warns that uncertainty over Article 6's fate is keeping potential carbon market capital "on the sidelines". The voluntary carbon market (VCM), which allows firm to offset their emissions with carbon credits, has found itself in a reputational crisis since last year, with prices crashing. Many potential host countries that are Article 6-ready have felt the impact of climate change this year as they battle with droughts or floods. A functioning market could plough much-needed finance into those countries. But the recent difficulties in the VCM also highlight the importance of integrity. And it is precisely the issues that set Article 6 apart from the VCM that have proved the trickiest to solve. A crucial difference is the need for a corresponding adjustment under Article 6 to prevent double counting by countries of mitigation outcomes. It took five years of talks leading up to Cop 26 in Glasgow to resolve the issue, an EU negotiator said at a World Bank event in Berlin this month. The negotiator, also a member of the supervisory body for the more regulated Article 6.4 mechanism, stressed that "only" three years have passed since Glasgow, and that integrity will continue to go before speed in reaching an agreement. Progress has been slow this year, as the supervisory body works on the rules and standards for the permitted methodologies underlying mitigation and removal activities, and on revising the methodologies of the Kyoto Protocol's Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) that Article 6.4 essentially replaces. Some progress was made this summer on standards for proving "additionality" — that the mitigation would not have happened without the project finance — and setting the "baseline" against which the emissions outcome is measured. Missing rules In contrast, Article 6.2, which allows parties to form bilateral agreements for carbon mitigation projects that generate "internationally traded mitigation outcomes", already provides the possibility of engaging in carbon credit trades. In Berlin, several buyer countries, including Japan and Singapore, made it clear that they will press ahead with deals even if an agreement fails in Baku. Parties under Article 6.2 will typically resort to CDM or the strictest VCM methodologies to underpin their mitigation activities, as they await a final agreement at UN level. And there are no removals projects in the Article 6.2 pipeline, given the lack of precedent in the CDM. They said the main problem is a lack of capacity at host country level, and not so much the missing rules. But some of those missing rules also affect Article 6.2, such as those for credit registries, and more crucially, the timing and scope of credit authorisation, and the extent to which an authorisation might be revoked. German deputy special envoy for climate action Norbert Gorissen last week called for progress on mitigation and ambition at Cop 29. "I'm very concerned that the focus of the incoming presidency is only on finance," he said. The EU does not intend to take part in Article 6 activities. One reason behind the failure in Dubai was stiff opposition from the EU, on grounds of environmental integrity. By Chloe Jardine and Michael Ball Voluntary carbon credits Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

SAF market is far from takeoff: Airlines


27/09/24
27/09/24

SAF market is far from takeoff: Airlines

New York, 27 September (Argus) — Airline executives descended on climate events in New York this week to emphasize their commitments to use more sustainable aviation fuel (SAF) — and to hint that these goals will prove difficult absent additional government support. At events tied to the UN General Assembly and Climate Week NYC, supporters of alternative jet fuels said that a range of policies were growing the market, including tax incentives, US states' low-carbon fuel standards and increasingly stringent mandates for SAF usage in the EU. While US production capacity of SAF is expected to rise significantly in the coming years, there is still concern that limited supply and a steep premium to conventional petroleum jet fuel will hinder adoption. SAF "will always be more expensive because it's a better product," said Aaron Robinson, vice president of US SAF for the International Airlines Group, a holding company that includes British Airways and Iberia. Executives, while calling generally for more policies to stimulate supply and demand, were more inclined to support subsidies over mandates. The airline industry already runs on tight margins, and executives fear that prospective customers could stay home instead of paying more for lower-carbon flights. "I think the worst thing we could do right now is choose a very short-term solution that takes that green premium and directly saddles it onto our customers," said Delta Air Lines chief sustainability officer Amelia DeLuca. She argued that the EU's SAF mandates were "pushing the fuel forward a little bit too fast in terms of where the supply and the green premium are." Still, the most prominent government subsidy for SAF — a tax credit kicking off next year in the US that will offer up to $1.75/USG for domestic SAF producers — was described as helpful but insufficient. The Inflation Reduction Act, which included that credit, was "historic, monumental, not good enough," said United Airlines chief sustainability officer Lauren Riley. President Joe Biden's administration has frustrated US biofuel groups by not yet providing guidance around qualifying for that credit, known as "45Z," which requires SAF to meet an initial carbon intensity threshold and increases the subsidy as the fuel's greenhouse gas emissions fall. Regardless, airlines and fuel producers say that the credit — which expires at the end of 2027 — is too short-lived to build up a supply chain. Policies like the 45Z credit should "have an end" but the end needs to be "far enough into the future," ExxonMobil vice president of strategy and planning for product solutions Tanya Vetter said this week at a clean energy event in Washington, DC. Competing interests Prolonging the 45Z credit would require legislation, but reopening a debate over clean fuels incentives in Congress could divide groups generally supportive of SAF. Airlines and refiners support more flexibility around feedstocks — including fuels produced from foreign sources like Chinese used cooking oil and fuels produced by co-processing petroleum — while farm groups want policy to increase demand for domestically produced vegetable oils and corn ethanol. A bipartisan group of farm state lawmakers this week introduced legislation that pairs an extension of the 45Z credit through 2034 with restrictions on fuels sourced from foreign feedstocks. With Congress set to debate tax policy next year regardless of who controls the White House, airlines supportive of more generous and longer-lasting SAF subsidies will also have to contend with Republicans that want to repeal much of the Inflation Reduction Act and with competing lobbies that would rather devote funds to extending other incentives. For instance, Justine Fisher — the chief financial officer at the Canadian carbon capture company Svante — signaled interest this week in increasing a tax credit for carbon capture, utilization, and storage that is included in the law. The incentive, which offers $85/metric tonne for captured carbon and is more popular than other parts of the law among oil and gas companies, is currently not "high enough to make project economics work," she said. By Cole Martin Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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