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EU's Hoekstra balances divergent calls on climate

  • : Biofuels, Emissions
  • 24/11/07

EU climate commissioner Wopke Hoekstra, nominated again for the role, balanced conflicting calls around climate legislation in a hearing today with members of the European Parliament (MEPs).

Some MEPs were in favour of tougher climate legislation, while others demanded delays to targets. Hoekstra defended key climate energy legislation, including EU CO2 reduction targets for cars and vans, while maintaining a cautious approach on expansion of the EU emissions trading system (ETS) to new sectors.

Hoekstra committed to a 2026 ETS review that touches upon maritime, aviation, municipal waste and negative emissions, in response to a question from German centre-right EPP MEP Peter Liese, who has been a key parliament negotiator for ETS reforms.

"Negative emissions are a cornerstone of making it to net zero. I'll absolutely look into the ramifications, whether this could be included," said Hoekstra, commissioner-designate for climate, net-zero and clean growth. If international efforts to reduce aviation emissions do not deliver, Hoekstra is also open to an ETS that equally impacts EU and international aviation.

Hoekstra underlined the pivotal importance for "predictability" of legislation for industry, referencing certain firms' concern at a 12-month delay to the bloc's deforestation regulation. Hoekstra promised a "dialogue" with the car industry about sticking to CO2 standards for cars and vans and the phase-out, from 2035, of new vehicles with an internal combustion engine (ICE). Hoekstra is "all in" for ensuring the EU car industry's success. But the Dutch politician is reticent about delaying penalties for carmakers that do not meet CO2 standards from 2025.

For biofuels and e-fuels, Hoekstra does not want to change current EU legislation. The EU should not open the "box that was closed" by EU legislation, notably with a 2035 phase-out that only foresees use of the ICE with non-biogenic CO2 neutral fuels. "I feel there is a bright future for biofuels. We need more, particularly in many other domains," he said, equally noting that the EU needs to "focus first and foremost on electrification".

And Hoekstra could give no clear deadline for phasing out fossil fuel subsidies in the EU, but said he would do his best to create transparency on the issue.

Speaking notes prepared in advance of the hearing already indicated a cautious approach to new elements in future climate policy. Hoekstra underlined the need for a "business case" for decarbonisation in agriculture and forestry, mirroring the approach taken by EU agriculture commissioner-designate Christophe Hansen.


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24/11/06

US RFS, RIN markets face uncertainty under Trump

US RFS, RIN markets face uncertainty under Trump

Houston, 6 November (Argus) — Renewable identification number (RIN) credit prices ticked up slightly today following the re-election of Donald Trump and a likely Republicans control of the US Senate, but uncertainty remains for other biofuel-related markets and policies. An increase in tariffs under Trump or other policy changes to deter biofuel feedstock imports could lower the availability of renewable fuels next year. Biomass-based diesel D4 and ethanol D6 RIN credits, which make up more than 90pc of all RINs generated on a monthly basis, rose slightly early Wednesday, following upward pressure from a rise in soybean oil futures. The soybean oil-heating oil (BOHO) spread rose to its highest level recorded in 2024 at $1.21/USG on Wednesday. RIN prices for current year D4 and D6 rose to 70.75¢/RIN, with both posting 2.5¢/RIN in gains on the day. While farm state lawmakers in both chambers are likely to resist any Trump efforts to repeal biofuels incentives, long-term prospects for the Inflation Reduction Act's "45Z" credit set to kick off in January are now uncertain. The incentive ends at the end of 2027, which gives Trump and his Republican allies substantial negotiating power over the terms of any extension — such as barring refiners from using foreign feedstocks. The election results also mean a Trump administration will have the power to set new biofuel blend mandates under the Renewable Fuel Standard (RFS) for 2026 and subsequent years. The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) during Trump's first term tried to strike a balance between refiner and biofuel interests, setting increasing volume mandates but issuing more waivers from program obligations. While a second Trump term could be similar, regulators under the program's "set authority" now have more discretion to weigh various economic and environmental factors when setting volumes instead of tracking mandated volumes that lapsed after 2022. Federal judges weighing EPA's authority under this new phase of the program last week expressed concern about some of the agency's decision-making, meaning any court order to rethink or reset volumes would now fall to a Trump administration. Under the Clean Air Act, which sets the framework for the RFS, refineries that process 75,000 b/d or less of crude have a pathway to waive biofuel blending obligations if they can prove they would suffer "disproportionate economic hardship." Precedent over these small refiner exemptions (SREs) affect the supply and demand balance of credits, which in turn alter the economics biofuel producers face as they rely on RIN credits as a source of revenue. From 2017-2021, the first Trump administration dialed back environmental regulations and more generously doled out SREs. During that span of time, EPA also chose not to adjust the renewable volume obligations on larger refineries to account for those that had secured waivers. This helped create an oversupply of D4, D5, and D6 credits and drove prices down to more than five-year lows. Cellulosic biofuel D3 credits in today's market also face a different set of parameters from the program's earlier years. The cellulosic waiver credit allowed producers to purchase waivers for D3 obligation given a shortage of RINs. But this mechanism changed under EPA's "set authority" and the Biden administration has brushed off a request from refiners to both lower requirements and make available waiver credits. Current year D3 prices have risen as high as 350¢/RIN this year as a result as cellulosic biofuel production trails agency expectations. A Trump administration could be more sensitive to future industry requests to relax these requirements and could set less ambitious cellulosic targets for future blend mandates. RINs are credits traded and produced by refiners and importers to show compliance with the RFS. Obligated parties can produce credits when renewable fuels are blended into conventional transportation fuels or can purchase credits from other RIN producers. By Matthew Cope and Cole Martin Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

Trump win could reshape US biofuels incentives


24/11/06
24/11/06

Trump win could reshape US biofuels incentives

New York, 6 November (Argus) — Donald Trump's return to the White House next year will give Republicans the power to rethink biofuel incentives that have spurred a boom in production under President Joe Biden. Biden-controlled agencies may try to use their final months in power to push through tax credit guidance that encourages biorefineries to do more to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions. But in both the executive branch and in Congress, Republicans will soon have leverage to shift away from Democrats' recent efforts to tie biofuel incentives to climate impacts. The Inflation Reduction Act's "45Z" tax credit, starting in January, will offer greater federal subsidies to fuels that produce fewer emissions. The Biden administration could issue long-awaited guidance spelling out how the government will calculate carbon intensities for different fuels and feedstocks, but that might just delay the inevitable. A Republican-controlled Congress could use the Congressional Review Act next year to repeal any guidance lawmakers see as too restrictive to farmers, and a Trump administration will regardless be able to develop new rules that reprioritize which companies benefit from the credit. Republicans could focus on imported feedstocks, which have surged in recent years as refiners cashed in on state clean fuel incentives by sourcing waste feedstocks primarily from Asia and South America. Farm groups, fearing that ample supply of foreign used cooking oil and tallow is curbing demand for domestic biofuel feedstocks like soybean oil, have pushed for the US government to restrict refiners using foreign feedstocks from claiming 45Z. An outright ban has legal risks, but Trump officials could think more creatively around deterring feedstock imports – potentially through guidance that is generous to crop-based fuels or that imposes carbon penalties on feedstocks that travel long distances to reach the US. Expected tariff hikes on foreign imports could alone curb demand for global biofuel feedstocks, with Chinese used cooking oil a likely target. But products like Brazilian tallow and Canadian canola oil potentially could be affected as well. Congress could also complicate the tax picture before Trump takes office. Senator Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) said before the election Tuesday that he expects a proposal to extend the $1/USG blenders tax credit for biomass-based diesel another year to feature in an end-of-year package. Current bill language would not repeal 45Z but would allow fuel to claim whichever incentive offers the larger benefit, likely boosting crop-based diesels set to earn much less than $1/USG under 45Z. There is no guarantee a lame duck Congress will take up such a proposal, especially with various other policy priorities on lawmakers' agendas. But expiring biofuel credits could feature in negotiations, including a blenders credit for sustainable aviation fuel and a credit that benefits cellulosic ethanol producers, biofuel lobbyists said. A potential vehicle for longer-lasting policy changes is an expected fight in Congress next year over tax policy. Republicans, hoping to pay for extending Trump-era tax cuts that would otherwise expire, could do so by repealing Inflation Reduction Act incentives. But farm state lawmakers, especially in a House of Representatives that looks like it will be closely contested between Republicans and Democrats, would also have leverage to push for some federal biofuel incentives to remain, even if they look different than the current 45Z mechanism. Importantly too, the 45Z incentive is set to expire after 2027. Whether details are hashed out in Congress this year, next year, or afterwards, Trump and his allies will be able to tie any credit extension to desired policy objectives. There are two bills in Congress that would extend the credit into the 2030s, but the only one with Republican support bars foreign feedstocks from qualifying. Federal momentum around boosting biofuels in a second Trump term will also depend on how policies beyond tax credits develop. Increasingly ambitious state climate policies – such as California's low-carbon fuel standard, which could be made more stringent this week – could keep planned renewable diesel and sustainable aviation fuel capacity additions on track. At the same time, retaliatory tariffs from China could hurt farmers more than higher domestic biofuel sector demand helps. And Trump could use planned updates to federal renewable fuel blend mandates to either assuage biofuel producers struggling to plan around policy uncertainty or to lower compliance costs for oil groups that strongly backed his candidacy. By Cole Martin Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

Trump victory raises climate law questions


24/11/06
24/11/06

Trump victory raises climate law questions

Houston, 6 November (Argus) — Federal tax incentives enacted through US President Joe Biden's signature 2022 climate law could survive in some fashion during a second Donald Trump administration, but their ultimate fate could depend on a Republican majority in Congress. While details of president-elect Trump's plans will unfold in the coming months, the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), which established tax incentives for clean electricity and the related supply chain, is very much up for review, according to panelists during a post-election webinar hosted by US law firm Bracewell. Beyond the presumed policy shift, the Biden administration is still working to finalize guidance for some of the IRA's incentives, such as production and investment tax credits for clean energy, and regulators have yet to outline other provisions in the law beyond cursory notices. The confluence of those factors could chill renewable energy development, at least in the near term. "Investors stand the risk of being whipsawed to some degree in terms of not having the comfort they need to make a billion-dollar investments on new clean energy facilities," Bracewell tax policy lead Tim Urban said. In addition, an expected 2025 tax bill could move around several trillions of dollars, "and some of that bill could either end up being IRA fixes or IRA repeals or curtailments," he said. Much will depend on whether Republicans retain a majority in the House of Representatives, which would give them control of Congress after they regained a Senate majority on Tuesday. That would open the door for budget reconciliation — the same process through which Democrats passed the IRA in 2022 — and allow Republicans to make changes to the law with a simple majority vote rather than the 60 typically required to bypass the Senate's filibuster rules. In other words, Republicans would not have to reach across the aisle to compromise with Democrats. While some Republicans have objected to outright ending the IRA, they have not yet faced the "horse trading" and intraparty pressure that accompanies negotiations around major legislation, according to Urban. "I'm still optimistic that that much, if not all the IRA may be salvageable, but I think there's a lot of work to be done," he said. Project developers have signaled a similar outlook , noting that renewable energy expanded during the first Trump administration, despite investment in newer sectors like offshore wind flagging ahead of the 2024 election. Even for offshore wind, they expect a slower pace of development rather than a complete abandonment of the industry by the US. The biggest change could come from competing priorities, with Trump's policies potentially making the all-in cost of resources like natural gas more attractive than renewables. Even without details, Trump's desire to see oil and gas producers " drill, baby, drill ", and his first term in the Oval Office offer some broad insight into how his policies could manifest. "One hallmark of the first Trump administration was to not pick winners and losers on technologies or type of energy," said United States Energy Association chief executive Mark Menezes, who served as US deputy secretary of energy in 2020-21. That meant making sure nuclear could be treated equally with other sources and "renewables weren't forced on a particular group if they didn't want to have renewable power, for example," he said. The incoming administration is likely to pursue a "rather aggressive approach to fossil fuel expansion", with a raft of "immediate" executive orders to support that goal, according to Scott Segal, co-chair of Bracewell's policy resolution group. But the IRA will likely be handled with a "scalpel" rather than a "sledgehammer", he said. By Patrick Zemanek Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

Cop 29 finance talks need leadership after Trump win


24/11/06
24/11/06

Cop 29 finance talks need leadership after Trump win

Edinburgh, 6 November (Argus) — Donald Trump's US presidential election victory will likely affect finance negotiations during the UN Cop 29 climate summit starting next week, but the US can still play a role while other developed countries step up to the plate, according to observers. Key negotiations at Cop on a new finance goal for developing nations, the so-called NCQG, could be "severely undermined" by Trump's victory, as the prospect of Washington withdrawing from the Paris Agreement may discourage other countries from engaging with US officials, non-profit IISD's policy adviser Natalie Jones told Argus . Trump pulled the US out of the Paris Agreement during his last term in office, calling it "horrendously unfair", and he has signalled he will do so again. "This could potentially weaken ambitions" at Cop 29, but it is unlikely to derail negotiations, Jones said. Observers agree that the US can still play a role in talks on the new finance goal, a key topic at this year's summit. Parties to the Paris deal will seek to agree on a new finance goal for developing nations, following on from the current $100bn/yr target, which is broadly recognised as inadequate. "The Biden administration still has a critical window to support vulnerable nations' calls to mobilise climate finance and deliver a strong climate target," civil society organisation Oil Change International's US campaign manager Collin Rees told Argus . The Biden administration's delegation, which will still take part in Cop 29, will not change position at this stage, according to Jones. And the US could continue to show some leadership, she said, adding that Washington likely intends to release its 2035 Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) early. Countries' new climate plans must be submitted to the UN climate body the UNFCCC by February 2025, but the US could release its NDC at Cop 29 before Trump takes power early next year, she said. "President Biden must do everything he can in the final weeks of his term to protect our climate and communities," including on fossil fuels, Rees said. The prospect of Trump pulling the US out of the Paris accord could cause initial anxiety at Cop 29, Climate Action Network executive director Tasneem Essop said. But "the world's majority recognises that climate action does not hinge on who is in power in the US". "As we saw before and will see again, other countries will step up if the US reneges on their responsibilities and stands back," Essop said. Trump's victory might also present the EU with an opportunity to strengthen its leadership among other developed countries, according to Jones. "It is really on the EU and other countries to step up now," she said. This is a view echoed by German Green lawmaker Michael Bloss, a member of the European Parliament's delegation at Cop 29. "Europe needs to become the adult in the room," Bloss told Argus . The EU cannot rely on the US anymore and must become a global climate leader to ensure success at Cop 29, he said. Meanwhile, Oil Change's Rees stressed that the NCQG is a collective goal. "Other major economies must now step forward to fill the gaps, much as they would have needed to in any scenario given how the US has long refused to pay its fair share," he said. By Caroline Varin and Dafydd ab Iago Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

EU expected to approve climate, energy commissioners


24/11/06
24/11/06

EU expected to approve climate, energy commissioners

Brussels, 6 November (Argus) — Former Danish climate minister Dan Jorgensen is expected to be confirmed late this month as EU energy and housing commissioner, having received clear support after his hearing in front of EU parliament members. Similarly, centre-right political support is expected to ensure a vote for reconfirmation of Wopke Hoekstra as climate commissioner. Jorgensen has received approval from the joint hearing committee, after his hearing yesterday. During the hearing, he promised a plan for affordable energy, a roadmap to end Russian energy imports, a clean energy investment plan and an electrification action plan. He focused on cost, noting the need to work towards lower energy prices in Europe and recognised nuclear energy as "part of the solution". But Jorgensen avoided giving detail on contentious issues, adding no precise date for an end to Russian energy imports. Although he backed a 2040 renewables target, he gave no approximate percentage share, or range, for renewables in final energy consumption by that date. German member Christian Ehler said his centre-right EPP group would "in the end" support Jorgensen following "reasonable" performance. Ehler wants the future commissioner's statements on hydrogen and related delegated acts, especially on low-carbon hydrogen, to be "concretised quickly". Industry group SolarPower Europe welcomed Jorgensen's clarity around not seeking fundamental changes to electricity market rules, but their proper implementation. A power industry source, though, pointed to his "other ideas" on specifics, notably on how to increase market liquidity . Documents prepared for the 7 November hearing of current climate commissioner Wopke Hoekstra give little concrete detail on revision of the bloc's emissions trading system (ETS). Hoekstra is expected to take a similarly cautious approach as that of designated EU agriculture commissioner Christophe Hansen on ETS integration to cut agriculture's 11pc share of EU greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. But Hoekstra is expected to be more open about using the 2026 ETS review to lower thresholds for EU ETS inclusion from 2031, including for maritime shipping, bioenergy with carbon capture and storage (Beccs) and direct air capture with carbon storage (Daccs). The European Parliament is expected to vote on the new commissioners during its 25-28 November plenary in Strasbourg. By Dafydd ab Iago Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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