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Von der Leyen faces new Green Deal challenges

  • Market: Biofuels, Electricity, Hydrogen, Natural gas
  • 19/07/24

The president promises a ‘clean industrial deal', but will need to make compromises over climate policy, writes Dafydd ab Iago

Ursula von der Leyen's re-election by the European Parliament as president of the European Commission on 18 July promises to see a doubling down on climate and energy policy, with her 2024-29 mandate stipulating greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions cuts of at least 90pc by 2040 compared with 1990.

"I have not forgotten how [Russian president Vladimir] Putin blackmailed us by cutting us off from Russian fossil fuels. We invested massively in homegrown cheap renewables and this enabled us to break free from dirty Russian fossil fuels," von der Leyen says, promising to end the "era of dependency on Russian fossil fuels". She has not given an end date for this, nor specified if this includes a commitment to ending Russian LNG imports.

Von der Leyen went on to detail political guidelines for 2024-29. She has pledged to propose a "clean industrial deal" in the first 100 days of her new mandate, albeit without giving concrete figures about how much investment this would channel to infrastructure and industry, particularly for energy-intensive sectors. The clean industrial deal will help bring down energy bills, she says.

Von der Leyen told parliament that the commission would propose legislation, under the European Climate Law, establishing a 90pc emissions-reduction target for 2040. Her political guidelines also call for scaling up and prioritising investment in clean technologies, including grid infrastructure, storage capacity, transport for captured CO2, energy efficiency, power digitalisation and a hydrogen network. She plans to extend aggregate demand mechanisms beyond gas to include hydrogen and critical raw materials, and notes the dangers of dependencies and fraying supply chains — from Putin's energy blackmail to China's monopoly on battery and chip raw materials.

Majority report

Passing the necessary legislation to implement her stated policies will now require approval from EU states and parliament. Unless amplified by Germany's election next year, election victories by far-right parties in France and elsewhere appear not to threaten EU state majorities for specific legislation.

Parliament's political centre-left S&D and liberal Renew groups, as well as von der Leyen's own centre-right European People's Party (EPP), have elaborated key policy requests. These broadly call for the continuation of the European Green Deal — a set of legislation and policy measures aimed at 55pc GHG emissions reductions by 2030 compared with 1990.

A symbolic issue for von der Leyen to decide on — or compromise on — is that of internal combustion engine (ICE) vehicles. EPP wants to stick to technological neutrality and revise the current mandate for sales of new ICE cars to be phased out by 2035, if they cannot run exclusively on carbon-neutral fuels. The EPP wants an e-fuel, biofuel and low-carbon fuel strategy. Von der Leyen's guidelines reflect the need to gain support from centre-right, centre-left and greens. She says the 2035 climate neutrality target for new cars creates investor and manufacturer "predictability" but requires a "technology-neutral approach, in which e-fuels have a role to play". She has not mentioned carbon-neutral biofuels.

It will be impossible for von der Leyen to satisfy all demands in her second mandate. This includes policy requests put forward by the EPP, ranging from a "pragmatic" definition of low-carbon hydrogen and market rules for carbon capture and storage, to postponing the EU's deforestation regulation.

EU member states are expected to propose their candidates for commissioners in August, including for energy, climate and trade policy, with von der Leyen's new commission subject to a final vote in parliament in late October.


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02/04/25

Australia’s gas leaders hit out at market intervention

Australia’s gas leaders hit out at market intervention

Sydney, 2 April (Argus) — Senior figures in Australia's upstream gas sector have hit out at plans for intervention in the heavily regulated industry, as debate continues on how to best address domestic supply shortfalls later this decade. The federal Coalition in March announced National Gas Plan including a 50-100 PJ/yr (1.34bn-2.68bn m³/yr) domestic reservation system aimed at forcing the three LNG exporters based in Queensland's Gladstone to direct more supply to the eastern states' market. But oversupplying the market to drive down prices would destroy the viability of smaller gas projects, Australian independent Beach Energy's chief executive Brett Woods said at a conference in Sydney on 1 April. The domestic-focused firm, which will export some LNG volumes via its Waitsia project in 2025, warns that such a move by the Peter Dutton-led opposition would reduce export incomes while harming Australia's international reputation. The volumes impacted by the policy could reach around 900,000-1.8mn t/yr. Expropriation of developed reserves is equivalent to breaking contracts with LNG buyers and with the foreign and local investors that the country needs for ongoing economic security, Woods said on 1 April. Domestic gas reservation systems put in place by the state governments of Western Australia (WA) and Queensland, designed to keep local markets well supplied, were "clearly supportable", Woods said, but only future supply should be subject to the regulations. LNG terminals, which represent about 70pc of eastern Australia's total gas consumption and shipped 24mn t in 2024 , should not be blamed for the failure of governments to expedite new supply and plan for Australia's gas future, head of Shell Australia Cecile Wake said in response to the Coalition's proposal. Shell's QGC business supplied 15pc of its volumes to the local grid, with the remainder shipped from its 8.5mn t/yr Queensland Curtis LNG project, Wake added. Canberra has moved to promote gas use as a transition fuel to firm renewable energy in line with its 2030 emissions reduction targets, but progress has been slow as reforming laws appear to be hampering development . The state governments, particularly in gas-poor Victoria and New South Wales (NSW), must recognise the need for locally-produced supply and streamline the approvals processes, especially environmental permits, executives said. But despite pleas for an end to years of interventionist policy — including the governing Labor party's measures to cap the price of domestic gas at A$12/GJ , Australia's fractured political environment and rising cost of living has sparked largely populist responses from its leaders. A so-called "hung" parliament is likely to result from the 3 May poll , with a variety of mainly left-leaning independents representing an anti-fossil fuel agenda expected to control the balance of power in Australia's parliament. LNG debate sharpens Debate on the causes of southern Australia's gas deficit has persisted, and the ironic outcome of underinvestment in gas supply could be LNG re-imports from Gladstone to NSW, Victoria and South Australia, making fracked coal-bed methane — liquefied in Queensland and regasified — a likely higher-emissions alternative to pipeline supply. Several developers are readying for this possibility , which is considered inevitable without action to increase supply in Victoria or NSW, increase winter storages or raise north-south pipeline capacity. Australian pipeline operator APA appears to have the most to lose out of the active firms in the gas sector. APA chief executive Adam Watson this week criticised plans for imports, because relying on LNG will set the price of domestic gas at a detrimental level, raise emissions and decrease reliability of supply, Watson said. The firm is planning to increase its eastern pipeline capacity by 25pc to bring new supplies from the Bass, Surat and Beetaloo basins to market. But investment certainty is needed or Australia will risk needing to subsidise coal-fired power for longer if sufficient gas is unavailable to back up wind and solar generators with peaking power, Watson said. By Tom Major Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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US oil, farm groups push EPA for steep biofuel mandate


01/04/25
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01/04/25

US oil, farm groups push EPA for steep biofuel mandate

New York, 1 April (Argus) — The American Petroleum Institute and biofuel-supporting groups told Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) officials at a meeting today that the agency should sharply raise advanced biofuel blend mandates for 2026. The coalition told EPA that it supported a biomass-based diesel mandate next year of 5.25bn USG, up from 3.35bn USG this year, and a broader advanced biofuel mandate, including the cellulosic category, at 10bn Renewable Identification Number (RIN) credits, up from 7.33bn RINs this year, according to three different groups that attended the meeting. Both mandates would be record highs for the Renewable Fuel Standard (RFS) program. Soybean oil futures and RIN credit prices have risen sharply over the past week on optimism that oil and biofuel interests were working to coordinate volume mandate requests for consideration by President Donald Trump's administration. The coalition is also pushing the agency to set a total conventional volume requirement at 25bn RINs, which would keep an implied mandate for corn ethanol flat at 15bn USG. Ethanol groups had previously eyed a mandate even higher, but limits on the amount of ethanol that can be blended into gasoline make much more-stringent requirements a tough sell to oil refiners. The coalition provided no specific request for the cellulosic biofuel subcategory, where most credit generation comes from biogas. Credits in that category are more expensive, but price concerns have been less potent recently given an EPA proposal to lower previously set cellulosic obligations, signaling that future volume requirements can be cut, too. EPA is aiming to finalize new RFS volume mandates by the end of the year if not earlier, people familiar with the administration's thinking have said. EPA officials signaled at the meeting they were working urgently on the rulemaking. "The agency is intent on getting the RFS program back on the statutory timeline for issuing renewable volume obligation rules," EPA said, declining to comment further on its plans for the rule. The RFS program requires oil refiners and importers to blend biofuels into the conventional fuel supply or buy credits from those who do. Under the program's unique nesting structure, credits from blending lower-carbon biofuels can be used to meet obligations for other program categories. One gallon of corn ethanol generates 1 RIN, but more energy-dense fuels earn more RIN credits per gallon. Some disagreements persist While groups at the meeting were aligned around high-level mandates, how administration officials and courts treat small refinery requests for exemptions from RFS requirements could undercut those targets. Groups present were broadly aligned on asking EPA not to grant widespread exemptions, though there is still disagreement in the industry about how best to account for exempted volumes when deciding requirements for other refiners. Groups present at the meeting today included the American Petroleum Institute and representatives of biofuel producers and crop feedstock suppliers. Some groups that previously engaged with the coalition's efforts to project unity to the Trump administration were not present. And some groups more historically skeptical of the RFS and more supportive of small refinery exemptions — including the American Fuel and Petrochemical Manufacturers — have not been closely involved. Fuel marketer groups notably did not attend the meeting after a representative sparred with others in the coalition at an American Petroleum Institute meeting last month. Some retail groups, including the National Association of Convenience Stores and the National Association of Truck Stop Operators, instead sent a letter to EPA today arguing that the groups pushing steep volumes are discounting potential headwinds to the sector from new tax credit policy. Some of the groups advocating for higher biofuel volumes have pointed to high production capacity and feedstock availability, but have preferred to ignore thornier issues like tax credits, lobbyists say. "An overly aggressive increase in advanced biofuel blending mandates under the RFS will be punitive for American consumers" without extending a long-running $1/USG tax credit for biomass-based diesel blenders, the retailers' letter said. That incentive expired last year and was replaced by the Inflation Reduction Act's "45Z" credit, which offers subsidies to producers instead of blenders and throttles benefits based on carbon intensity. Generally lower credit values for biomass-based diesel — coupled with the US government's delays setting final regulations on qualifying for the credit — have spurred a sharp drop in biofuel production to start the year. Without a blenders credit, the RFS volume mandates pushed by some groups could increase retail diesel prices by 30¢/USG, the fuel marketers estimate, a potential political headache for a president that ran on curbing consumer costs. Other biofuel groups say that extending the credit would be an uphill battle this year, with some lawmakers and lobbyists instead focused on legislatively tweaking the 45Z incentive's rules to benefit crop feedstocks instead of reverting wholesale to the prior tax policy. By Cole Martin Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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Next US tariffs to take effect 'immediately'


01/04/25
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01/04/25

Next US tariffs to take effect 'immediately'

Washington, 1 April (Argus) — President Donald Trump plans to announce a sweeping batch of tariffs on Wednesday afternoon that will take effect "immediately", the White House said today. Trump will unveil his much anticipated tariff decision Wednesday at 4pm ET during a ceremony at the White House Rose Garden. While the administration has announced the effective date, there is little clarity on what goods will face tariffs at what rates and against which countries, leaving the government agencies that will be tasked with enforcing new tariffs largely in the dark. "The president has a brilliant team of advisers who have been studying these issues for decades, and we are focused on restoring the golden age of America and making America a manufacturing superpower," the White House said today, brushing off criticism from economists, industry groups and investors. Economic activity in the US manufacturing sector contracted in March as businesses braced for Trump's tariff threats. Trump has previewed or announced multiple tariff actions since taking office. The barriers in place now include a 20pc tariff on all imports from China, in effect since 4 March, and a 25pc tax on all imported steel and aluminum, in effect since 12 March. A 25pc tariff on all imported cars, trucks and auto parts, is scheduled to go into effect on 3 April, the White House confirmed today. Trump and his advisers have previewed two possible courses of action for 2 April. Trump has suggested that all major US trading partners are likely to see a broad increase in tariffs in an effort to reduce the US trade deficit and to raise more revenue for the US federal budget. But Trump separately has talked about the need for "reciprocal tariffs", contending that most foreign countries typically charge higher rates of tariffs on US exports than the US applies to imports from those countries. In that scenario, high tariffs become a negotiating tool to bring down alleged foreign barriers to US exports. Treasury secretary Scott Bessent told Fox News on Monday night that the second course is the one Trump is more likely to take. Trump will announce "reciprocal tariffs" and "everyone will have the opportunity to lower their tariffs, lower their non-tariff barriers, stop the currency manipulation" and "make the global trading system fair for American workers again", Bessent said. But the White House insisted today that the new tariffs will not be a negotiating tool. Trump is "always up for a good negotiation, but he is very much focused on fixing the wrongs of the past and showing that American workers have a fair shake", the White House said. Trump's words and actions already have drawn retaliatory tariffs from Canada and China, and the EU is preparing to implement its first batch of counter-tariffs in April. Trump, for now, has deferred his tariff plans for imported Canadian and Mexican oil and other energy commodities. But the US oil and gas sector, which depends on pipelines and foreign-flagged vessels to transport its crude, natural gas, refined products and LNG, will feel the effects of tariffs on imported steel and proposed fees on Chinese-made and owned vessels calling at US ports. By Haik Gugarats Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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Mexican peso weakness may partially offset US tariffs


01/04/25
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01/04/25

Mexican peso weakness may partially offset US tariffs

Mexico City, 1 April (Argus) — Volatility in the peso/dollar exchange rate may help to partially offset any tariffs that US President Donald Trump decides to impose on imports from Mexico as the ensuing peso depreciation would make its exports more competitive, said analysts from US bank Barclays. President Trump will announce Wednesday his next decision related to the threat to impose a 25pc tariff against imports from its commercial partners Mexico and Canada. Trump has delayed the decision twice, and it is likely that he will do so again, given the serious repercussions the tariffs could cause to the US economy, said Latam chief economist at Barclays, Gabriel Casillas, during a webinar held Monday. The base scenario for Barclays is that Trump's administration will finally step back from imposing tariffs on Mexico and Canada and rather go for an early renegotiation of the (US Mexico Canada Free Trade Agreement (USMCA) this year, said Casillas. In this scenario, the Mexican peso would strengthen to between Ps19.5 to Ps19.00 to the greenback, he added. However, if Trump's administration decides to impose the 25pc tariffs on all Mexican imports as he has threatened to do, then the peso would weaken to Ps24/$1, said Erik Martinez, foreign exchange research Analyst at Barclays during the same webinar. "If tariffs were imposed, 25 percent on all imports, we think a good portion of this would be absorbed by the exchange rate," said Casillas. A weaker peso makes Mexican exports more competitive abroad. The Mexican peso on Tuesday was trading at around Ps20.30 to the dollar, and has weakened by 18.5pc in the past year from about Ps16.6 to the dollar a year ago. If President Claudia Sheinbaum's administration avoids the tariffs, the peso may strengthen to around Ps 19.00/$1 in upcoming days, said Martinez. If the tariffs are applied during a brief period or only for the automobile sector, the exchange rate could range between Ps21.00-22.00 per dollar, said Martinez. However, even without any tariff being applied, Mexico's economy is expected to grow only by around 0.7pc this year, less than the estimates made late in 2024 of around 1.4pc, due to the deceleration of the US economy, Mexico's main trading partner, said Casillas. The US economy is showing signs of slowing down, specially in the industrial sector, which will impact Mexico's growth for the year. Also, this uncertainty is directly affecting any upside expected from so-called nearshoring as companies would now lose interest in moving their manufacturing lines to Mexico if there is no clear benefit in using the USMCA to avoid tariffs, said Casillas. By Édgar Sígler Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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French nuclear modulation to step up this summer


01/04/25
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01/04/25

French nuclear modulation to step up this summer

London, 1 April (Argus) — Modulation in the French nuclear fleet, and the consequent gap between nuclear availability and output, is set to grow in the coming weeks as consumption falls in summer and solar output picks up. But the fleet's ability to modulate, touted as one of its great strengths, could be put to the test by growing amounts of intermittent renewable capacity, without any accompanying rise in consumption or in flexible storage capacity. France's flexible nuclear plants are unusual in being able to modulate their output downwards, with each reactor capable of dropping twice a day to 20pc of rated output. Nuclear reactors by their nature have high fixed costs and low variable costs. But operator EdF still reduces production in hours in which prices fall below these low variable costs, widening the gap between the theoretical available capacity and actual production. And low-priced hours became more common last year, particularly in the summer, in the middle of the day and on weekends, as low demand coincided with high nuclear and renewable production. The gap between availability and output across the fleet typically has held at 1-2GW on a monthly basis in recent years. But last summer, it jumped to 4GW on average in each month from April-August ( see availability-output gap graph ). And so far this year it has averaged 2GW, compared with 1.8GW in the same period last year. Modulation has held higher too, with the difference between maximum and minimum daily nuclear output averaging 4.6GW, up from 3.2GW last year ( see modulation graph ). Solar output so far this year has averaged 2.4GW, up by 35pc on 1.8GW in the same period in 2024, after France's solar fleet grew by 5GW, or roughly a quarter, over 2024. As output increases with longer days, this will begin translating into increasingly more output centred around midday, driving stronger modulation. Modulation becomes political Modulation has this year become a political football, with the government promoting the parallel growth of nuclear and intermittent renewables, while an insurgent faction, typically on the political right, claims that more renewables are at best wasteful and at worst actively damage the nuclear fleet. France's nuclear fleet has always modulated, as its large size means residual demand is lower than capacity in low consumption periods. But the extent of this modulation grew sharply last year. Lower consumption contributed to this, as did the growth of renewables. Much of France's renewable capacity is not exposed to market prices, as it is remunerated by feed-in tariffs, and has no incentive to shut down when prices fall below zero. Even the minority of capacity that is required to halt production when prices fall below zero in order to retain subsidy still can produce at prices only slightly above zero, or below the marginal cost that drives EdF to modulate down nuclear output. Operator EdF defends its ability to modulate. The firm's nuclear chief, Etienne Dutheil, last year told a senate commission that the fleet's ability to modulate was the "envy" of other operators. And modulation has "very few effects" as long as it is partial and does not require a total shutdown that makes the plant cool down, he said. The firm told the senate enquiry that thus far, there is "no proven statistical link between modulation and a possible loss of production or increased failures of plants". But modulation could increase wear on reactors' secondary circuits and consequently increase maintenance needs, it said. Proponents of a combined nuclear and renewables approach say that meeting France's goals for electrifying end-uses will require a large volume of extra electricity in the coming years, which potential new nuclear plants — planned for the second half of the next decade at the earliest — will not be able to deliver in time. But opponents decry the combination of nuclear and renewables as wasteful, given that EdF does not save on any of its hefty fixed costs when modulating down nuclear plants to make way for zero-marginal cost renewable output, essentially putting a double burden on consumers that have to pay twice for two separate generating fleets. And others put forward the damage that they say modulation does to the nuclear fleet. Rassemblement National (RN) leader Marine Le Pen raised the topic in a written question to the government last month, asserting that modulation "prematurely ages pipes and welds of reactors". And even some internal EdF documents present modulation in a less benign light than the firm's chiefs. The combination of renewables and nuclear leads to power output fluctuations that are "never insignificant in terms of safety, especially of the control of the reactor core, and the maintainability, longevity and operating costs of our facilities", according to a 2024 report by the company's chief nuclear safety inspector. The PPE3 energy plan, which the government hopes to finalise in law imminently, commits France to rapid increases in renewables deployment. If the plan's objectives are followed, intermittent output will grow in the coming years. The plan also aims for a rapid increase in consumption to soak up the extra power produced. But potential drivers of electrification such as heat pumps and electric vehicles had their subsidies slashed in the 2025 budget. Increased storage capacity could be a way to integrate more intermittent renewables. France already has pumped-storage sites that can add up to 3.8GW of flexible demand during peak output periods. But battery storage is little developed in France, thanks partly to these pumped-storage sites and to nuclear modulation, both of which limit intra-day spreads. As battery capacity grows, it typically quickly saturates the ancillary services market and these wholesale spreads will become increasingly important for making battery projects profitable. By Rhys Talbot Nuclear availability-output gap GW Daily nuclear modulation (max-min output) Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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