Methanol
Overview
The global methanol industry has suffered in recent years. First COVID-19, then the Russia-Ukraine conflict, followed by global inflation, stagnation and downward revised GDP forecasts. It is hoped 2022/2023 will be the performance valley for the sector, looking toward an improved—but still slowed—outlook. The huge China methanol appetite has slowed. The MTO sector sees minimal growth ahead. The rest of the world will have to generate increased demand, but with much of this sector tied to GDP performance, the outlook here too is reserved. New capacity continues to define the landscape, with several new units expected in the coming months.
Pricing is spiking in Q4’23 due to a myriad of methanol production outages around the world. Production will return and prices weaken some. However, the outlook is for the olefins and olefin derivative sectors to finally end their respective down cycles. Olefin/derivative prices are expected to improve, driving higher MTO methanol affordability values. The rest of the methanol industry is expected to follow China’s MTO methanol price strength.
Argus’ experts will help you determine what trends to track and how to stay competitive in today’s ever-changing global markets.
Latest methanol news
Viewpoint: Protectionist policies muddy US PE outlook
Viewpoint: Protectionist policies muddy US PE outlook
Houston, 23 December (Argus) — Potential new tariffs combined with protectionist policies from other importing countries are clouding the outlook for growth in the US polyethylene (PE) market heading into 2025. US president-elect Donald Trump threatened a 25pc tariff on all imports from Canada and Mexico, and at times has threatened as much as a 60pc tariff on all goods imported from China. Any new tariffs open the US up to retaliatory tariffs from the three countries, which have historically been among the top destinations for US PE exports. Brazil, another major trading partner with the US, recently raised import tariffs on PE to 20pc. On top of that, Brazil is in the midst of an anti-dumping investigation into US PE, which if successful would raise the tariff on US PE by an additional 21.4pc, bringing the total tariff for US PE in Brazil to 41.4pc. US PE exports in the first 10 months of 2024 totalled roughly 11.6mn t, with 16.4pc sold to China, 13.3pc sold to Mexico, 10.8pc sold to Brazil and 7pc sold to Canada , according to data from Global Trade Tracker (GTT). US PE producers are increasingly relying on exports, particularly with new capacity still set to come online in the next two years. This includes a new 600,000 t/yr linear low density polyethylene (LLDPE)/high density polyethylene (HDPE) swing plant from Dow set to start in the second half of 2025, as well as 2mn t/yr of HDPE capacity from Chevron Phillips Chemical's joint venture with Qatar-based QE in 2026. Exports as a percentage of total US and Canadian PE sales has been growing since 2016, when it was less than 25pc to crossing the 50pc threshold for the first time in November of this year, according to data from the American Chemistry Council (ACC). ACC data combines the US and Canada and considers trade between them as domestic rather than exports. With the US and Canadian PE markets largely functioning as one, the potential tariffs on product from Canada could cause problems for US buyers as well as Canadian suppliers, whose competitiveness in the region could be limited by new tariffs. "It would be a huge problem," said one US PE buyer who purchases resin from suppliers in both countries. For one particular grade of PE, the buyer said there are only two suppliers, including one producer in Canada and one in the US. If tariffs were imposed on Canadian material, it would suddenly make that particular grade more expensive because it would mean the US producer would no longer need to match competitive offers from Canada. Retaliatory concerns While US buyers are concerned about having to pay new duties on imports from Canada, US producers are also worried about potential retaliatory tariffs from other countries, such as China, and new duties and potential tariffs in Brazil. US PE exports to China totaled roughly 1.9mn t in the first 10 months of 2024, an amount that could not be easily absorbed by many other countries if new tariffs limit sales into that country. And in Brazil, US PE exports totaled roughly 1.26mn t in 2024 through October, another huge chunk that is at risk if the new anti-dumping duties against US PE are implemented. "Brazil is a huge market for the US. It's a big deal," said one US trader. "Producers can ship to countries around Brazil, but that will not cover everything we are losing. Where will it all go?" New outlets are opening up for US product in places such as Europe, where some global capacity has shut down. ExxonMobil, for instance, announced in April it was permanently shutting down its Gravenchon cracker and associated derivative plants in France, including a 420,000 t/yr HDPE-LLDPE swing unit. With the closure of that plant, sources have said ExxonMobil is exporting more volume from its cost-advantaged US assets to the region. But there is a limit to how much US export volume can be absorbed because of shutdowns in other regions. While many market participants are hopeful that proposed tariffs will not materialize, the uncertainty is making it difficult to plan for 2025, sources said. "Speculating on it is a waste. You don't know what is going to happen first, you don't know what the reaction is going to be," said one buyer. "All you can do is try to get the lowest prices you can and work a little bit of flexibility into your contracts." By Michelle Klump Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.
Viewpoint: US tax fight next year crucial for 45Z
Viewpoint: US tax fight next year crucial for 45Z
New York, 23 December (Argus) — A Republican-controlled Congress will decide the fate next year of a federal incentive for low-carbon fuels, setting the stage for a lobbying battle that could make or break existing investment plans. The 45Z tax credit, which offers greater subsidies to fuels that produce fewer emissions, is poised to kick off in January. Biofuel output has boomed during President Joe Biden's term, driven in large part by west coast refiners retrofitting facilities to process lower-carbon fats and oils into renewable diesel. The 45Z tax credit, created by the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), was designed to extend that growth. But Republicans will soon control Washington. President-elect Donald Trump has dismissed the IRA as the "Green New Scam", and Republicans on Capitol Hill, who had no role in passing Biden's signature climate legislation, are keen to cut climate spending to offset the steep cost of extending tax cuts from Trump's first term. Biofuels support is a less likely target for repeal than other climate policies, energy lobbyists say. But Republicans have already requested input on 45Z, signaling openness to changes. Republicans plan to use the reconciliation process, which enables them to avoid a Democratic filibuster in the Senate, to extend tax breaks that are scheduled to expire in 2025. "I want to place our industry in a place to make sure that the biofuels tax credit is part of reconciliation," said Kailee Tkacz Buller, president of the National Oilseed Processors Association. But lawmakers "could punt the biofuels discussion if stakeholders aren't aligned." A decade ago, biofuel policy was a simple tug-of-war between the oil and agriculture industries. Now many refiners formerly critical of the Renewable Fuel Standard produce ethanol and advanced biofuels themselves. And the increasingly diverse biofuels industry could complicate efforts to present a united front to Congress. Farm groups worry about carbon intensity scoring hurting crop demand and have lobbied to curtail record-high feedstock imports, to the chagrin of some biorefineries. Those producers are no monolith either: Biodiesel plants often rely more on local vegetable oils, while ethanol producers insist on keeping incentives that do not discriminate by fuel type and some oil majors would back subsidizing fuels co-processed with petroleum. Add airlines into the picture, which want greater incentives for aviation fuels, and marketers frustrated by 45Z shifting subsidies away from blenders — and the threat of fractious negotiations next year becomes clear. There are options for potential compromise, according to an Argus analysis of comments submitted privately to Republicans in the House of Representatives, as well as interviews with energy lobbyists and tax experts. The industry, frustrated by the Biden administration's delays in clarifying 45Z's rules, might welcome legislative changes that limit regulatory discretion regardless of what agency guidance eventually says. And lobbyists have floated various ways to appease agriculture groups without kneecapping biorefineries reliant on imports, including adding domestic content bonuses, imposing stricter requirements for Chinese-origin used cooking oil, and giving preference to close trading partners. Granted, unanimity among lobbyists is hardly a priority for Republican tax-writers. Reaching any consensus in the restive caucus, with just a handful of votes to spare in the House, will be difficult enough. "These types of bills always come to down to what's the most you can do before you start losing enough votes to pass it," said Jeff Navin, cofounder of the clean energy advocacy firm Boundary Stone Partners and a former House and Senate staffer. "Because they can only lose a couple of votes, there's not much more beyond that." And the caucus's goal of cutting spending makes an industry-wide goal — extending the 45Z credit into the 2030s — even more challenging. "It is a hard sell to get the extension right away," said Paul Winters, director of public affairs at Clean Fuels Alliance America. Climate costs Cost concerns also make less likely a simple return to the long-running blenders credit, which offered $1/USG across the board to biomass-based diesel. The US Joint Committee on Taxation in 2022 scored the two-year blenders extension at $5.5bn, while pegging three years of 45Z at less than $3bn. An inconvenient reality for Republicans skeptical of climate change is that 45Z's throttling of subsidies based on carbon intensity makes it more budget-friendly. Lawmakers have other reasons to not ignore emissions. Policies elsewhere, including California's low-carbon fuel standard and Europe's alternative jet fuel mandates, increasingly prioritize sustainability. The US deviating from that focus federally could leave producers with contradictory incentives, making it harder to turn a profit. And companies that have already sunk funds into reducing emissions — such as ethanol producers with heavy investments in carbon capture — want their reward. Incentives with bipartisan buy-in are likely more durable over the long run too. Next time Democrats control Washington, liberals may be more willing to scrap a credit they see as padding the profits of agribusiness — but less so if they see it as helping the US decarbonize. By Cole Martin Tax credit changes 40A Blenders Tax Credit 45Z Producers Tax Credit $1/USG Up to $1/USG for road fuels and up to $1.75/USG for aviation fuels depending on carbon intensity For domestic fuel blenders For domestic fuel producers Imported fuel eligible Imported fuel not eligible Exclusively for biomass-based diesel Fuels that produce no more than 50kg CO2e/mmBTU are eligible Feedstock-agnostic Carbon intensity scoring incentivizes waste over crop feedstocks Co-processed fuels ineligible Co-processed fuels ineligible Administratively simple Requires federal guidance on how to calculate carbon intensities for different feedstocks and fuel pathways Expiring after 2024 Lasts from 2025 through 2027 Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.
US Congress passes waterways bill
US Congress passes waterways bill
Houston, 19 December (Argus) — The US Senate has passed a bipartisan waterways infrastructure bill, providing a framework for further investment in the country's waterways system. The waterways bill, also known as the Water Resources and Development Act (WRDA), was approved by the Senate in a 97-1 vote on 18 December after clearing the US House of Representatives on 10 December. The WRDA's next stop is the desk of President Joe Biden, who is expected to sign the bill. The WRDA has been passed every two years, authorizing the US Army Corps of Engineers (Corps) to undertake waterways infrastructure and navigation projects. Funding for individual projects must still be approved by Congress. Several agriculture-based groups voiced their support for the bill, saying it will improve transit for agricultural products on US waterways. The bill also shifts the funding of waterways projects to 75pc from the federal government and 25pc from the Inland Waterways Trust Fund instead of the previous 65-35pc split. "Increasing the general fund portion of the cost-share structure will promote much needed investment for inland navigation projects, as well as provide confidence to the industry that much needed maintenance and modernization of our inland waterway system will happen," Fertilizer Institute president Corey Rosenbusch said. The bill includes a provision to assist with the damaged Wilson Lock along the Tennessee River in Alabama. By Meghan Yoyotte Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.
US Army Corps proposes new Illinois River lock
US Army Corps proposes new Illinois River lock
Houston, 18 December (Argus) — The US Army Corps of Engineers (Corps) has proposed a new lock to replace the LaGrange Lock and Dam (L&D) near Beardstown, Illinois, as part of the Navigation and Ecosystem Sustainability Program (NESP). The project would be the first new lock for NESP, a program that invests in infrastructure along the Mississippi and Illinois rivers. The new 1,200ft proposed LaGrange Lock would allow for passage of more barges in a single lockage, instead of having to split the tow in two with the current 600ft LaGrange Lock. At the moment, most tows trying to pass through the LaGrange lock experience multiple hour delays. The new LaGrange lock would have an estimated cost of $20mn, with a construction timeline of five years. The project area would be located on the west bank of the Illinois River near the 85-year old LaGrange L&D, encompassing 425 acres. Real estate acquisition, design plans and contractors are already in place, said the Corps. The current LaGrange lock would remain in operation and become an auxiliary chamber. The Corps opened the upcoming project to public comments on 11 December and will close on 3 January. NESP has four other projects along the Mississippi River. Another full lock construction project is anticipated for Lock and Dam 25. By Meghan Yoyotte Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.
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