Cop 27: Mexico to launch updated NDC

  • Market: Emissions
  • 10/11/22

Mexico will increase its emissions reduction target from a disputed goal set in 2020 as part of an updated climate plan it will present at the ongoing Cop 27 UN climate summit, the environment ministry said.

Mexico now aims to cut greenhouse gas emissions by 30pc by 2030 from a 2000 baseline, up from a previous target of a 22pc reduction by the same year, set in 2020.

The country has also raised its conditional emissions reduction target — depending on outside financial support — to 40pc from 36pc previously set.

The reduction of black carbon emissions remains at an unconstitutional 51pc and 70pc percent conditioned by 2030, the ministry said.

Further details of Mexico's NDC and any changes in targets for reducing methane emissions were not available.

Mexico last updated its NDC two years ago when it committed to cut emissions by 22pc by 2030 and by 50pc by 2050, also against a 2005 baseline. But the government that year raised the level of its business-as-usual emissions scenario in 2020, effectively increasing its planned CO2 emissions in absolute terms.

Environmental and climate groups criticized the plan and Greenpeace filed a legal complaint against the reduced targets in a Mexican court. A court suspended the NDC, pending appeals.

Under the Glasgow climate pact agreed at last year's UN Cop 26 climate conference, parties were requested "to revisit and strengthen the 2030 targets in their nationally determined contributions as necessary to align with the Paris Agreement temperature goal by the end of 2022".


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28/06/24

US Supreme Court ends 'deference' to regulators

US Supreme Court ends 'deference' to regulators

Washington, 28 June (Argus) — The US Supreme Court's conservative majority, in one of its most significant rulings in years, has thrown out a landmark, 40-year-old precedent under which courts have offered federal agencies significant leeway in deciding how to regulate the energy sector and other industries. In a 6-3 ruling that marks a major blow to President Joe Biden's administration, the court's conservatives overturned its 1984 ruling Chevron v. NRDC that for decades has served as a cornerstone for how judges should review the legality of federal regulations when a statute is not clear. But chief justice John Roberts, writing for the majority, said experience has shown the precedent is "unworkable" and became an "impediment, rather than an aid" for courts to analyze what a specific law requires. "All that remains of Chevron is a decaying husk with bold pretensions," the opinion said. For decades, under what is now known as Chevron deference, courts were first required to review if a law was clear and if not, to defer to an agency's interpretation so long as the government's reading was reasonable. But the court's majority said the landmark precedent has become a source of unpredictability, allowing any ambiguity in a law to be a "license authorizing an agency to change positions as much as it likes." Roberts wrote that the federal courts can no longer defer to an agency's interpretation "simply because" a law is ambiguous. "Chevron is overruled," Roberts writes. "Courts must exercise their independent judgment in deciding whether an agency has acted within its statutory authority." The court's ruling, named Loper Bright Enterprises v. Gina Raimando, focuses on lawsuits from herring fishers who opposed a rule that could require them to pay about $710 per day for an at-sea observer to verify compliance with regional catch limits. The US Commerce Department said it believes it interpreted the law correctly, but the fishers said the "best interpretation" of the statute was that it did not apply to herring fishers. The court's three liberal justices dissented from the ruling, which they said will likely result in "large-scale disruptions" by putting federal judges in the position of having to rule on the merits of a variety of scientific and technical judgments, without the benefit of expertise that regulators have developed over the course of decades. Overturning Chevron will put courts "at the apex" of policy decisions on every conceivable topic, including climate change, health care, finance, transportation, artificial intelligence and other issues where courts lack specific expertise, judge Elena Kagan wrote. "In every sphere of current or future federal regulations, expect courts from now on to play a commanding role," Kagan wrote. The Supreme Court for years has been chipping away at the importance of Chevron deference, such as a 2022 ruling where it created the "major questions doctrine" to invalidate a greenhouse gas emission rule limits for power plants. That doctrine attempts to prohibit agencies from resolving issues that have "vast economic and political significance" without clear direction from the US Congress. That has led regulators to be hesitant in relying on Chevron to defend their regulations in court. The Supreme Court last cited the precedent in 2016. The ruling comes a day after the Supreme Court's conservatives, in another 6-3 ruling , dramatically curtailed the ability of the US Securities and Exchange Commission — and likely many other federal agencies — to use in-house tribunals to impose civil penalties. The court ruled those enforcement cases instead need to be filed as jury trials. That change is expected to curtail enforcement of securities fraud, since court cases are more resource-intensive. By Chris Knight Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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Q&A: Corporate reporting and certification schemes


28/06/24
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28/06/24

Q&A: Corporate reporting and certification schemes

London, 28 June (Argus) — Corporate reporting standards and obligations are becoming more granular and falling under greater scrutiny across the EU, after new rules came into force at the start of 2024. Argus spoke to net zero adviser Nils Holta at environmental solutions provider Ecohz to review changes to EU legislation and consider their impact on wholesale energy attribute certificates markets. Edited highlights follow: Let's start by decoding the acronyms and taking stock of changes to reporting standards this year. What do the principles of the CSRD and ESRS look like? How do these align with the EU Taxonomy? These are all thematically related pieces of legislation, that are not formally linked to each other. The Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive (CSRD) and the EU Sustainable Investment Taxonomy are two of the angles of a sustainability transparency triangle completed by the Green Claims Directive (GCD). Through these policy mechanisms, the EU seeks to cover sustainability reporting, sustainability criteria for investments, and marketing information to consumers. Essentially, the EU is trying to add sustainability as a new dimension of the single market, alongside standardised comparisons on quality and price. The CSRD relates more to the finance side. Through the annex with the European Sustainability Reporting Standards (ESRS), it details how companies should report on their sustainability impact, their sustainability-related risks, and any financial opportunities that arrive as a result of sustainability matters. It has been developed as an addition to European financial disclosure requirements, and in Norway, for instance, it has been transposed through amendments to the "accounting law" (Regnskapsloven). For financial undertakings, the Sustainable Finance Disclosure Regulation (SFDR) plays much the same role, albeit at a higher level of granularity. On the consumer-facing side, companies will soon be required to adhere to the GCD when promoting their products' environmental profiles to final consumers in what the EU calls "explicit environmental claims". While not quite the same as sustainability reporting, it fits in a market dynamic where the EU expects economic actors to be more transparent about the environmental qualities of their products — like we are used to for price and quality. Finally, we have the EU Taxonomy for sustainable activities, or just the Taxonomy. The Taxonomy is a list of economic activities with clear criteria on how they can be performed sustainably, and, in some cases, how they can be considered a transitional activity to more sustainable options. The Taxonomy also mandates that large undertakings and financial actors disclose the percentage of their Capex [capital expenditure], Opex [operating expenditure], and turnover that is invested in, finances, or derives from activities that are considered sustainable under the Taxonomy. Here is the link to the CSRD (ESRS), GCD and SFDR. If you are required to report on the percentage of your investments or turnover that is associated with sustainable activities, you need to know how all the companies you invest in are performing. And through the CSRD they are required to share this information in a transparent and streamlined manner. If, as a company, you want to make a claim about a product's environmental profile, you are now also required to possess and sort the information necessary to found that claim through the same directive. So here we have the triangle — the Taxonomy and SFDR push investors towards sustainable investments. The GCD provides consumers with a choice to consume sustainably, and the CSRD and ESRS ensure that companies have the information necessary for the other two to work. So the EU wants you to base Taxonomy reporting or environmental claims on the information published in your CSRD reporting? Not quite. I should stress at this point that EU law does not require companies to use the same methodologies for their CSRD reporting as for explicit environmental claims under the GCD or for showing criteria alignment with the Taxonomy. The simple reason is that communication to different audiences — shareholders, financial sector institutions, consumers — might require different approaches. It is, however, very simple to base claims under the Taxonomy or GCD on information gathered for CSRD reporting, and I have seen companies rely on CSRD reporting for claims of Taxonomy-alignment in their annual reports. How are things changing within the CSRD in terms of how industrial and corporate (I&C) companies will need to document energy — power and gas — consumption throughout their supply chains? What does it mean in terms of scope 2 and 3 emissions? This is a good place to clarify terminology. The CSRD is an EU directive that mandates sustainability reporting, sets out how member states are responsible for making sure companies report, and details which categories of companies need to report. All in all, we are taking about at least 50,000 EU-based companies and maybe another 10,000 non-EU companies with operations in the EU, as a rough assessment. The ESRS are the technical standards, outlining — over some 300 pages — how companies can assess what information they need to report and how this can be reported. The ESRS go into detail regarding how questions about energy consumption and climate transition plans or supply chains are asked and framed. Thank you for the clarification, and now back to the market-based vs location-based reporting? In general, the ESRS move towards market-based reporting. Emissions are to be reported by scope — 1, 2 and 3 — separately and using both market-based and location-based methodologies for Scope 2. They are also to be reported against total turnover, so investors can see the greenhouse gas intensity of their investments' turnover. At the same time, the ESRS clearly state that energy consumption must be reported using the market-based methodology in the case of Scope 2, and that it "can" be market-based in Scope 1, which for most companies would primarily relate to gas. The latter is highly technical and is tied to the EU emissions trading system monitoring and reporting requirements. Disclosing companies must report Scope 3 as it was reported to them. There is no option to not report on Scope 3 emissions outside of Europe, which means that these 60,000 or so companies will push their own reporting requirements through their entire value chain. It also means that oil and gas companies will finally need to include emissions from combustion of their own products in their sustainability reporting. Considering that changes to the CSRD will lead to greater focus on Scope 3 emissions, how is this likely to impact the energy attribute certificates (EAC) markets? Are you already seeing changing approaches to EAC procurement? How do biomethane and hydrogen fit into the picture, and is there a role for carbon offsets? What we are seeing is a greater corporate interest in understanding their own value chain and getting their suppliers to cover Scope 2 consumption with EACs. They can even use the divergence between location and market-based reporting to stress how much they actually achieve by sourcing renewable energy. The result is quite literally the difference between the two numbers. The ESRS do not open for carbon offsets as a way of reducing total emissions. Any offsets must be reported separately. Biomethane and hydrogen would both serve to decarbonise your gas combustion, so mainly Scope 1. However, the requirements for credible claims to consumption are tied to a bundled model, so we expect less focus on certificate trade and more focus on efficient value chains to deliver the product as a whole. There are a lot of open questions here tied to member state transposition of the Renewable Energy Directive (RED) III — and in some cases RED II — and to the coming Union Database for renewable fuels. How will the GCD impact consumer disclosure requirements and how does it tangentially relate to the Taxonomy? Do you expect this to also drive more granular purchases in EAC markets? When procuring EACs, will additional specifications such as eco labels become more prominent in the market? There is no specific link between the GCD and the Taxonomy, but Taxonomy-alignment would definitely be one of the things that can be communicated and substantiated in a way that is aligned with the GCD. Using an eco-label is a way to distinguish your product among several who all use renewable electricity. However, it is difficult to assess exactly how companies and consumers will react to this information in the long term. In the near future, we expect the GCD to lead to a reduction in environmental performance claims overall, at least until companies have a decent understanding of what and how they should communicate. The fine is up to 10pc of total turnover. There are often questions around how nuclear power is viewed in the EU Taxonomy — can you clarify that? And how do you see nuclear power — through scope 2/3 — playing a role in I&C companies documenting carbon neutrality through disclosure mechanisms? There has been a growing trend of energy suppliers offering carbon-neutral tariffs as opposed to renewable owing to the greater cost of documenting renewables through EACs, on top of already higher outright power and gas prices. Do you see I&C customers taking a similar route? Under the Taxonomy, nuclear is not considered renewable. It is, however, acknowledged as carbon-neutral, and we see several EU initiatives targeted at promoting "low-carbon" rather than renewable solutions. There is also an addendum to the Taxonomy, where nuclear and gas-fired power plants can be considered Taxonomy-aligned under certain circumstances. For gas, this relates to replacing coal and being time-limited in nature; while for nuclear, it is tied to a series of environmental and waste-treatment requirements. As long as the market recognises a qualitative difference between renewable and nuclear, EACs for each will be priced differently. Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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Biden, Trump trade attacks in presidential debate


28/06/24
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28/06/24

Biden, Trump trade attacks in presidential debate

Washington, 28 June (Argus) — The first presidential debate of the 2024 election drew out few new details on energy policy, as President Joe Biden and former president Donald Trump hammered each other on issues such as inflation and the state of the US economy. The debate, held in Georgia on Thursday without a live audience, marked the first time Biden and Trump have shared a stage since their last debate in 2020. Biden, who is trailing Trump in many polls, at times struggled to clearly articulate his policy positions — or even to be heard — while Trump repeatedly sought to blame Biden for issues such as high inflation and the outbreak of military conflicts in Ukraine and Israel. "He has not done a good job," Trump said. "And inflation is killing our country. It is absolutely killing us." The substance of the debate was largely overshadowed by the candidates' inability to dispel voters' concerns about them. Needing to put to rest worries about his age, the 81-year-old Biden often appeared feeble and confused. Trump refused to acknowledge he lost the last election and continued to defend the mob that attacked the US Capitol on 6 January 2021. Biden throughout the debate defended his record on the economy, while focusing many of his attacks on Trump's personal conduct, including Trump's conviction on 34 counts in a case involving alleged hush money payments to an adult film star. Biden also criticized Trump's handling of the Covid-19 pandemic, which Biden said ultimately contributed to high inflation. "He didn't do much at all," Biden said. "By the time he left, things were in chaos." The debate repeatedly focused on federal tax policy, particularly a range of tax cuts enacted during Trump's presidency that are set to expire in 2025. A key provision of that tax package cut the top corporate tax rate to 21pc from 35pc. Biden said he would make the tax system more fair by increasing taxes on the wealthy, while arguing that Trump's policies would result in higher inflation and additional costs for consumers. Trump has said he would extend the expiring tax cuts, which are expected to cost $4 trillion over a decade, in addition to seeking deeper tax cuts and a 10pc tariff on all imports. Trump said he rejected the findings of many independent economists that such a tariff would drive up prices for consumers and add to inflation. "It's just going to cause countries that have been ripping us off for years — like China and many others, in all fairness to China — it's going to just force them to pay us a lot of money." Biden argued Trump's policies would result in higher inflation and additional costs for consumers. "He now wants to tax you more by putting a 10pc tariff on everything that comes into the United States of America," Biden said. Trump pivoted to issues such as energy and regulations when he was asked about his actions during the attack on the Capitol. "On January 6, we were energy independent," Trump said. And when pressed on whether he would pursue policies to deal with climate change, Trump focused on having "clean air" and "clean water", while defending his decision to pull the US out of the Paris climate accord. "It was a rip off of the United States, and I ended it because I didn't want to waste that money," Trump said. Biden said Trump did not do a "damn thing" when in office to clean up the air and water and criticized his inaction on climate change. Biden defended his suite of climate rules and support for clean energy, but he failed to tout passage of the Inflation Reduction Act, which provided support for electric vehicles, renewable energy and advanced manufacturing. On foreign policy, Trump insisted that a variety of global conflicts would have never occurred if he was in office. He contended that the war in Ukraine would abruptly be resolved if he were re-elected. "I'll have that war settled," Trump said. "I will get it settled, and I'll get it settled fast before I take office." Biden defended his record on foreign policy, saying he ushered through crucial support that has helped in the defense of Ukraine and Israel. Biden said that stood in contrast to Trump, who he said "encouraged" Russian president Vladimir Putin to invade other countries and has threatened to undermine Europe's defenses against military attacks. "This is a guy who wants to pull out of NATO," Biden said. The debate occurred just days before the US Supreme Court is expected to decide whether Trump, or any other president, should be immune from criminal prosecution for actions taken in office. Trump's attorneys have argued he should be immune from prosecution for any official acts while holding office, which could affect a criminal charge that he sought to undermine the 2020 election. By Chris Knight Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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Carbon registry Verra halts 27 CQC cookstove projects


27/06/24
News
27/06/24

Carbon registry Verra halts 27 CQC cookstove projects

London, 27 June (Argus) — The world's largest carbon crediting registry Verra has suspended 27 projects run by project developer C-Quest Capital (CQC) after "allegations" of over-issuance of millions of credits. Washington-based CQC has voluntarily reported to the US authorities and Verra wrongdoing by its former chief executive officer, Kenneth Newcombe, which have resulted in the over-issuance of millions of carbon credits from clean cookstove carbon projects hosted by the registry. Following CQC's announcement, Verra has started the suspension process for 27 implicated projects pending outcome of internal review. "Given C-Quest's voluntary submission of the findings [...] we hope to finalise this review as quickly as possible," said a Verra spokeswoman. It is still not clear which projects have been suspended among the 34 CQC-run projects currently registered under Verra's VMR0006 methodology — energy efficiency and fuel switch measures in thermal applications. Of these, 22 are located in Africa and the rest in Asia. The wrongdoing were uncovered by a review conducted by a "global law firm" and commissioned in early 2024 by a "special committee of non-executive directors of CQC's Board of Directors", according to the statement from the project developer. Newcombe, who is also a former Verra board member, was replaced in February by CQC's current chief executive office Jules Kortenhorst. As part of its remedial measures, CQC has adopted an improved Monitoring Reporting and Verification (MRV) process, reduced the number of deployed cookstoves in its fleet by 175,000 — reflecting the number of cookstoves it believes are no longer in use — and plans to adopt a "more robust carbon crediting methodology and work with registries and the Integrity Council for the Voluntary Carbon Market (ICVCM) to secure a Core Carbon Principles (CCP) label". The ICVCM, a multi-stakeholder initiative within the voluntary carbon market, has approved the first carbon credit methodologies for its integrity CCP label at the start of the month. The initiative has issued a statement in response to CQC's announcement where it expresses its disappointment but also recognises the efforts of the project developer's new leadership. The ICVCM is currently assessing the VMR0006 methodology used by C-Quest Capital. By Nicola De Sanctis Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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Union asks UK Labour to drop North Sea exploration ban


26/06/24
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26/06/24

Union asks UK Labour to drop North Sea exploration ban

Edinburgh, 26 June (Argus) — UK union Unite, backed by 200 local businesses in Scotland, is calling on the opposition Labour party to abandon a planned policy to stop new fossil fuel exploration in the North Sea "until a plan to replace jobs is operational". "UK Labour's current policy on net zero for the North Sea is to ban all new licences but currently, they have no detailed plan on a fair 'workers' transition to greener energy and to save 30,000 jobs in Scotland," the letter reads. Labour in its manifesto outlined plans to stop issuing any new licences for oil, gas and coal, but said it will not revoke existing licences if elected in the 4 July general election. The party is far ahead in polling. The letter warned that stopping oil and gas exploration in the North Sea could lead to importing more fossil fuel. Although most of the crude produced in the UK North Sea is exported, around half of UK gas demand is met by already-dwindling domestic fields. Unite and the local businesses called for an additional £1.1bn/yr ($1.39bn/yr) in investments in wind power, manufacturing and operation, hydrogen, carbon capture and decommissioning. "That's just a fraction of the £36bn in profits oil companies made from the North Sea last year," it said. "There is still absolutely no plan on wind power manufacture, in Scotland and the UK, or commensurate new 'green' jobs for North Sea workers," the letter said, asking for the creation of 35,000 new energy transition jobs in Scotland by 2030. Delicate balance Separately, more than 60 climate groups in a letter backed by Unite and other unions including the RMT today called on the incoming UK government for "a clear and funded transition plan for workers and communities reliant on the oil and gas industry." "The longer we wait to implement a worker-led just transition in the North Sea — and other high carbon industries — the worse off communities that rely on these industries will be", the letter said, pointing to upcoming job losses at Chinese-UK venture Petroineos' 150,000 b/d Grangemouth refinery in Scotland and at Port Talbot Steelworks in Wales . Since Petroineos announced last November that it would close Grangemouth, Unite has repeatedly criticised the Scottish and UK governments for failing to support workers and for "empty promises about the just transition". The climate groups' letter called for a phase out of oil and gas in the North Sea as a "crucial step to meet the legally binding climate commitments, address the UK's historic role as a disproportionate producer of emissions". "There are areas where the UK has to set an example," UK Labour shadow secretary of state for foreign, commonwealth and development affairs, David Lammy said on 25 June about his party's commitment to no new licences. Almost 200 countries agreed in December at the UN Cop 28 climate summit to transition away from fossil fuels, with developing nations urging richer countries to take the lead. But for communities whose livelihood depends on the fossil fuel sector, the prospect of phasing out oil and gas is reminiscent of the UK coal industry's decline. Lammy noted the importance of the private sector in the energy transition. "The handling of plans to close the Grangemouth refinery underlines the risk of omitting meaningful dialogue between communities, industry and government," the UK's Climate Change Commission (CCC) said in March, when pointing out that Scotland's 2030 climate goals were no longer credible . By Caroline Varin and Victoria Hatherick Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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