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Parliament mulls IMO, maritime CO2, scrubbers

  • Market: Emissions, Oil products
  • 29/10/20

The European Parliament's environment committee has voted for a "phase-out" rather than simple ban of open-loop exhaust scrubbers in the maritime sector. The committee also criticised international efforts to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions from the sector, with members calling for the EU to proceed with its own efforts.

The environment committee voted to slightly amend its opinion on measures for cleaner maritime transport so as to now call on the European Commission to propose a "phase-out and ban on the use of open-loop scrubbers as soon as possible". The committee also expressed "concerns" at the use of LNG.

The opinion approved today will feed into a report by the transport committee that also proposes banning the use of high-sulphur fuel oil (HSFO) with exhaust cleaning systems. In the transport committee, Danish liberal Soren Gade spoke out against a simple ban on scrubbers without a proper impact assessment. "Shippers have invested millions in scrubbers to comply with environmental legislation," Gade told the transport committee.

IMO efforts insufficient

After voting on its opinion on cleaner maritime transport, the environment committee joined others in criticising recent proposals put forward by the International Maritime Organisation (IMO) to cut the sector's GHG. The draft proposals are to be considered by the IMO marine environment protection committee (MEPC) on 16-20 November.

EU transport commissioner Adina Valean told the environment committee that she was "pleased" with the outcome of IMO talks, notably on the energy efficiency ship index and the carbon intensity indicator. But Valean will not rest until the IMO approves "concrete technical and operational measures" to deliver on the IMO's GHG reduction strategy, she said.

Rejecting the IMO proposals would have been a mistake, she said.

"We decided not to push for negotiations [at the IMO] to be postponed to an uncertain future date. And it is naive to hope that key players in the IMO will change their minds in six or 12 months. There is no time to wait," Valean said.

"I really ask you [the commission] to put more pressure on the IMO. Times have changed. Why should the shipping sector not be climate neutral in 2050?" Peter Liese, speaking for parliament's largest centre-right EPP group, said.

And Swedish socialist Jytta Guteland said it is "rather embarrassing" that the maritime sector has not contributed more to GHG cuts. She called for slow streaming, wind propulsion and logistics optimisation.

"Every year at the IMO, it is like we wi'll do it next year. It is not good enough," Guteland said.

German Green Jutta Paulus also criticised the IMO.

"We have no binding measures [at the IMO's MEPC]. Nothing that forces ships or companies to adhere to the measures to be taken," Paulus said.

"It is all the more important that the EU pushes ahead with its own measures. We have to move faster than the IMO," Paulus said.

Paulus is behind parliament's report adopted in September calling for the inclusion of maritime GHG emissions in the EU's emissions trading system by 1 January 2022, as well as cutting ships' annual average CO2 emissions by more than 40pc by 2030.


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14/05/25

German road firms issued €10.5mn tender-rigging fines

German road firms issued €10.5mn tender-rigging fines

London, 14 May (Argus) — German competition authorities have found seven companies guilty of co-ordinating tenders and contracts with order values usually of between €40,000 and €200,000. The German Federal Cartel Office (Bundeskartellamt) imposed fines totalling €10.5mn ($11.8mn) on seven road repair companies for customer and tender collusion, it announced on 13 May. The companies involved are AS Asphaltstrassensanierung, bausion Strassenbau-Produkte, Bitunovia, Gerhard Herbers, alles fur den Bau, Mainka Strassenunterhaltung, and Muritzer Oberflechentechnik (Mot). The companies AS, bausion, Herbers and Bitunova were found to have divided various clients from the federal states of Saxony, Thuringia and Saxony-Anhalt among themselves across 2018 and 2019. In 2016-19, the companies bausion, Liesen, Mainka and Mot were discovered to have regularly co-ordinated on tenders from public contracting authorities in Brandenburg and, in 2016 and 2017, Saxony-Anhalt, and the companies Liesen and Mot also co-ordinated tenders in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. The violations affected a large number of tenders and contracts from public contracting authorities such as municipalities and state road construction authorities. The orders included road repair measures including surface treatment, patching of road surfaces, crack repair or the supply of bitumen emulsion or chippings. In addition to breaking antitrust law, the bid agreements are also punishable under Section 298 of the Criminal Code. The findings came to a head when the German Federal Cartel Office carried out a search operation in August 2019 together with the Dusseldorf Public Prosecutor's Office and the North Rhine-Westphalia State Criminal Police Office. When setting the fine, it was taken into account that Bitunovia had co-operated with the federal office within the framework of the leniency programme. All proceedings were concluded by way of amicable settlement and the fine notices are final. By Fenella Rhodes Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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US clean energy groups decry House budget bill


13/05/25
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13/05/25

US clean energy groups decry House budget bill

Houston, 13 May (Argus) — Renewable sector advocates are warning that changes to federal incentives for clean energy proposed by Republicans will undercut the growth of new generation as demand on the power grid escalates. Industry groups representing wind and solar companies were quick to critique the House Ways and Means Committee's portion of Republicans' budget bill for its potential to undercut President Donald Trump's objective of "energy dominance" by reducing the viability of resources on which the US will depend in the coming years. The Ways and Means proposal "simply goes too far too fast", according to Jason Grumet, chief executive of the trade group American Clean Power Association. "With energy demand surging, this is not the time for disruption," Grumet said. "It is possible to phase out incentives for clean energy investment, production and manufacturing without harming American consumers or businesses." The Ways and Means bill would begin to sunset the 45Y production tax credit (PTC) and 48E investment tax credit (ITC) after 2028, with incentive values decreasing by 20 percentage points/yr from 2029 to 2031 before disappearing entirely in 2032. Moreover, the bill moves a key goalpost by pinning eligibility for both the PTC and ITC to a project's in-service date, rather than when it begins construction, which is currently the relevant deadline. At present, the PTC and ITC will remain at current levels until the end of 2032 or when regulators determine that annual US electricity sector emissions are equal to or less than 25pc of their 2022 level, whichever comes later. Democrats who passed the law in 2022 intended the minimum 10-year window to give developers certainty when investing in projects, shifting from past practice when Congress often waited until the last minute to extend earlier versions of the incentives. In addition, the Ways and Means bill would cancel the advanced manufacturing production credit, also known as the 45X credit, after 2031, rather than 2032, while completely disqualifying wind components after 2027. At present, wind turbine blades, nacelles and towers receive credits of 2¢, 5¢ and 3¢, respectively, multiplied by the total capacity, on a per watt basis, of the completed turbine in which those components are used. Offshore wind foundations receive similar incentives. The legislation would also remove the ITC for residential clean energy installations after this year, up from 2034. The bill also would repeal credit " transferability " two years after the law takes effect for the PTC and ITC, and at the end of 2027 for the 45X credits, and restrict projects' eligibility for all three credits if its construction includes "material assistance from a prohibited foreign entity". Republican lawmakers wrote their proposed changes with an eye on saving billions of dollars that they could use to partially offset over $5 trillion in expected tax cuts. But the updates would be particularly harmful for "local, red-state economies", according to Solar Energy Industries Association chief executive Abigail Ross Hopper. Over three-fourths of factories and investments threatened by the changes are located in regions represented by Republicans, and the changes will force "hundreds" of factories to close, raise electricity bills and damage grid reliability, she said. The loss of the manufacturing credits could be particularly harmful to the offshore wind industry's supply chain, "threatening billions of dollars of investments in the Midwest, Mid-Atlantic and American South", according to Stephanie Francoeur, senior vice president of marketing and communications at offshore wind business group the Oceantic Network. By Patrick Zemanek Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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US budget bill would prolong 45Z, boost crops


13/05/25
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13/05/25

US budget bill would prolong 45Z, boost crops

New York, 13 May (Argus) — A proposal from House Republican tax-writers would extend for four additional years a new tax credit for low-carbon fuels and adjust the incentive to be more lenient to crops used for biofuels. Republicans on the House Ways and Means Committee on Monday introduced their draft portion of a far-reaching budget bill, which included various changes to Inflation Reduction Act clean energy subsidies. But the "45Z" Clean Fuel Production Credit, which requires fuels to meet an initial carbon intensity threshold and then ups the subsidy as emissions fall, would be the only incentive from the 2022 climate law to last even longer than Democrats planned under the current draft. The proposal represents an early signal of Republicans' plans for major legislation through the Senate's reconciliation process, which allows budget-related bills to pass with a simple majority vote. The full Ways and Means Committee will consider amendments at a markup this afternoon, and House leaders want the full chamber to vote on the larger budget bill before the US Memorial Day holiday on 26 May. Afterwards, the proposal would head to the Republican-controlled Senate, where lawmakers could float further changes. But the early draft, in a chamber with multiple deficit hawks and climate change skeptics that have pushed for a full repeal of the Inflation Reduction Act, is remarkable for not just keeping but expanding 45Z. The basics of the incentive — offering benefits to producers instead of blenders, throttling benefits based on carbon intensity, and offering more credit to sustainable aviation fuel (SAF) — would remain intact. Various changes would help fuels derived from US crops. The most notable would prevent regulators measuring carbon intensity from considering "indirect land use change" emissions that attempt to quantify the risks of using agricultural land for fuel instead of food. Under current emissions modeling, the typical dry mill corn ethanol plant does not meet the 45Z credit's initial carbon intensity requirement — but substantially more gallons produced today would have a chance at qualifying without any new investments in carbon capture if this bill were to pass. The indirect land use change would also create the possibility for canola-based fuels, which are just slightly too carbon-intensive to qualify for 45Z today, to start claiming some subsidy. Fuels from soybean oil currently qualify but would similarly benefit from larger potential credits. Still, credit values would depend on final regulations and updated carbon accounting from President Donald Trump's administration. Since the House proposal does not address the current law's blunt system for rounding emissions values up and down, relatively higher-carbon corn and canola fuels still face the risk of falling just below 45Z's required carbon intensity threshold but then being rounded up to a level where they receive zero subsidy. The House bill would also restrict eligibility to fuels derived from feedstocks sourced in the US, Canada, and Mexico — an attempt at a middle ground between refiners that have increasingly looked abroad for biofuel inputs and domestic farm groups that have lobbied for 45Z to prioritize US crops. That language would make more durable current restrictions on foreign used cooking oil and significantly reduce the incentive to import tallow from South America and Australia, a loss for major renewable diesel producers Diamond Green Diesel, Phillips 66, and Marathon Petroleum. The provision would also hurt US biofuel producer LanzaJet, which has imported lower-carbon Brazilian sugarcane ethanol as a SAF feedstock to the chagrin of domestic corn ethanol producers. The bill would also require regulators to set more granular carbon intensity calculations for different types of animal manure biogas projects, all of which are treated the same under current rules. Other lifecycle emissions models treat some dairy projects at deeply negative carbon intensities. Those changes to carbon intensity calculations and feedstock eligibility would kick in starting next year, meaning current rules would remain intact for now. The proposal would however phase out the ability of clean energy companies without enough tax liability to claim the full value of Inflation Reduction Act subsidies to sell those tax credits to other businesses. That pathway, known as transferability, would end for clean fuel producers after 2027, hurting small biodiesel producers that operate under thin margins in the best of times as well as SAF startups that were planning to start producing fuel later this decade. Markets unresponsive, but prepare for new possibilities There was little immediate reaction across biofuel, feedstock, and renewable identification number (RIN) credit markets, since the bill could be modified and most of the changes would only take force in the future. But markets may shift down the road. Limiting eligibility to feedstocks originating in North America for instance could continue recent strength in US soybean oil futures markets. July CBOT Soybean oil futures closed 3pc higher on Monday at 49.92¢/lb on the news and have traded even higher today. The spread between soybean oil and heating oil futures is then highly influential for the cost of D4 biomass-based diesel RIN credits, which are crucial for biofuel margins and have recently surged in value to their highest prices in over a year. The more lenient carbon accounting will also help farmers eyeing a long-term future in renewable fuel markets and will support margins for ethanol and biodiesel producers reliant on crops. Corn and soy groups have pushed the government for less punitive emissions tracking, worried that crop demand could wane if refiners could only turn a profit by using lower-carbon waste feedstocks instead. The House bill, if passed, would still run up against contradictory incentives from other governments, including SAF mandates in Europe that restrict fuels from crops and California's efforts to soon limit state low-carbon fuel standard credits for fuels derived from vegetable oils. By Cole Martin and Matthew Cope Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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Mexico industrial production contracts in March


13/05/25
News
13/05/25

Mexico industrial production contracts in March

Mexico City, 13 May (Argus) — Mexico's industrial production contracted by 0.9pc in March from the previous month, as declines in mining and manufacturing were only partly offset by continued growth in construction. The drop was not enough to undo the 2.2pc increase in February — the sharpest monthly expansion in four years — as manufacturers ramped up output ahead of incoming US tariffs. The March industrial production index (IMAI), published by statistics agency Inegi, was higher than Mexican bank Banorte's forecast of a 1.4pc decline. Banorte noted signs of volatility affecting manufacturing and other sectors because of a complex trade outlook. Manufacturing contracted 1.1pc in March after expanding 2.9pc in February. The impact varied across subsectors, with metal goods down 5.5pc and transportation, including auto production, down 1.1pc. Volatility may ease in the coming months as US tariff policies become clearer and Mexican officials push to preserve the country's trade edge under US-Mexico-Canada (USMCA) free trade agreement rules, Banorte said. Construction expanded 0.8pc in March, following increases of 3.4pc in February and 0.5pc in January, driven by higher public investment tied to President Claudia Sheinbaum's economic plan, "Plan Mexico." Analysts see the plan as a catalyst for continued growth in construction this year, with measures including greater domestic content in public purchases, public-private participation in infrastructure projects and a target of $100bn in private infrastructure investment for 2025. These effects could be amplified by aggressive interest rate cuts from the central bank. Mining contracted by 2.7pc in March, returning to negative territory after a slight 0.1pc uptick in February. Oil and gas output also contracted 2.7pc after rising 1.0pc the month before, while non-oil mining contracted 4.3pc in March after a 0.6pc increase in February. By James Young Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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Australia’s Macquarie unwinds coking coal funding ban


13/05/25
News
13/05/25

Australia’s Macquarie unwinds coking coal funding ban

Sydney, 13 May (Argus) — Australian investment bank Macquarie has changed its investment rules to fund coking coal mines, in a partial reversal of its 2021 coal financing ban. The bank made the change in November 2024, it said in its annual report for the year ended 31 March, released last week. It will now make short-term funding deals lasting less than 12 months for coking coal developments, to help producers buy, expand, or run coking coal mines. Macquarie's rule change still bans long-term investments in coking coal projects. There are few viable alternatives to coking coal for the steel and industrial sectors, Macquarie said. The company has maintained its ban on thermal coal financing, apart from specific emissions reduction projects. It is also working on supporting emissions reduction projects in the Australian oil and gas sectors, although it did not disclose which projects. Macquarie is not the only bank moving away from fossil fuel financing. Australian bank ANZ will stop lending capital to companies heavily involved in the thermal coal sector by 2030. It reduced its lending to thermal coal mining firms by 85pc between 2015 and July 2024,it said in July last year. It also stopped [funding new upstream oil and gas projects](https://direct.argusmedia.com/newsandanalysis/article/2566501), with limited exceptions, in May 2024. Macquarie has expanded its climate finance role over recent years. The bank set up a renewable energy business to fund utility-scale projects in Australia and New Zealand in November 2023. Macquarie is also involved in carbon markets. The company is continuing to help clients with compliance and voluntary carbon markets, including in newer locations like China, the company said, without disclosing further details. It has also purchased and retired 59,164t of CO2 equivalent of Australian Carbon Credit Units and other voluntary offsets to cover business travel in its 2024-25 financial year ended 31 March. By Avinash Govind Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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