EU mulls expanded carbon border

Market: Electricity, Emissions, Fertilizers, Metals, Natural gas, Oil products, Petrochemicals
02/02/21

Refineries, paper and aluminium should be covered by the EU's forthcoming carbon border adjustment mechanism, alongside cement, steel, chemicals and fertilisers, say a broad cross-party group of members of the European Parliament.

Parliament's green, liberal, socialist and centre-right groups joined up to table a compromise amendment on the carbon border adjustment measure, which calls on the European Commission to propose, including from 2023, "all" imports of products and commodities covered by the EU emissions trading system (ETS), also when embedded in intermediate or final products.

Given the cross-party support, the parliament's environment committee is expected to adopt the amendment on 4-5 February, thereby setting a position ahead of the commission's formal legal proposal for a carbon border mechanism. And following an impact assessment, the group wants the carbon border to specifically cover the power sector and energy-intensive industrial sectors such as "cement, steel, aluminium, oil refinery, paper, glass, chemicals and fertilisers".

A key question for those sectors that will be covered is whether they can continue to benefit from compensation measures aimed at combating unfair competition by third-country firms not falling under the EU ETS or similar carbon pricing systems.

The committee's Green draftsman, Yannick Jadot, previously called for EU and national compensation for EU ETS costs to "immediately cease" as soon as the carbon border enters into force. Jadot had argued that this was the only way to make the EU's carbon border compatible with World Trade Organisation rules.

But another amendment, with broad cross-party support, now calls for implementation of the carbon border mechanism to go "hand in hand with the parallel, gradual, rapid and eventual complete phase-out of" current measures for EU firms facing competition from exporters in third countries that do not pay carbon costs.

The final legal text for the measure, expected to be proposed by the commission by the end of June, will have to be agreed by parliament with EU member states. EU leaders have called for such a measure to be up and running by 1 January 2023.

The commission is considering three core options for the carbon border measure, for a "few" sectors trading "energy-intensive raw materials internationally". These are an import tax, a new excise duty on carbon-intensive goods and a mechanism in the form of a notional ETS.

By Dafydd ab Iago

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23/12/24

Viewpoint: Tight US phosphate supply may ease

Houston, 23 December (Argus) — US phosphate buyers expect tight supply to ease next year after a lackluster fall application season left bins fuller, while unfavorable affordability will likely curtail spring demand. Tight P2O5 supply concerns driven by supply disruptions were of frequent concern among market participants earlier this year when DAP prices were roughly $80-100/st higher than price levels at the start of this December and MAP prices were at least $20/st higher. In May, a brush fire at major US phosphate producer Mosaic's Riverview facility in Florida caused a decrease in output. Market fundamentals tightened further throughout the summer and into early fall because of several hurricanes that made landfall in Louisiana and Florida, which reduced production from Mosaic and producer Nutrien's facilities. Higher phosphate values, lower crop prices and the resulting deterioration in affordability in the last six months of 2024 compared to 2023 deterred farmer buying interest. Some US buyers bought more triple superphosphate (TSP) throughout the summer as it became more economically appealing for the fall despite its lower nutrient content relative to MAP or DAP. The overall disinterest from farmers to use phosphate products this fall left higher-than-expected inventories across the Corn Belt that will carry over into next year and likely alleviate supply concerns along the Mississippi River for this spring. The US for the 2024/25 fertilizer year so far has imported less DAP and MAP compared with previous years, likely a result of poor affordability and farmer disinterest. Roughly 762,000 metric tonnes (t) of combined DAP and MAP were imported into the US from July through October, down from 34pc for the same period during the 2023/24 fertilizer year and 3pc lower than the five-year-average, according to US Census Bureau data. The absence of Moroccan producer OCP's phosphate products will continue to tighten US market fundamentals for the 2024/25 fertilizer year. The US Department of Commerce recently raised the phosphate import duty for OCP to 16.8pc from a preliminary rate of 14.2pc for calendar year 2022 and forward if it goes unchallenged. But most domestic buyers have been able to source product from elsewhere, like Jordan, Australia and Saudi Arabia. The US market also imported nearly 290,000t of TSP from July through October. That was 30pc higher than a year earlier and 70pc higher than the five-year-average, reflecting its recent appeal as a more affordable product. Affordability remains a headwind for demand in the spring as well. Based on the ratio between select phosphate barge prices and corn futures, farmer purchasing power for DAP and MAP has weakened throughout 2024 compared with 2023. This forces farmers to sell more of their crops to afford a ton of phosphate fertilizer. Market participants expect spring demand in 2025 to be lower than the robust demand seen last spring and for the market to be well supplied as a result. "Unless a big run on phosphate happens [this spring], we are looking at more supply than people know what to do with," one seller relayed. By Taylor Zavala Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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Viewpoint: US tax fight next year crucial for 45Z

23/12/24

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23/12/24

Viewpoint: US tax fight next year crucial for 45Z

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Biofuels support is a less likely target for repeal than other climate policies, energy lobbyists say. But Republicans have already requested input on 45Z, signaling openness to changes. Republicans plan to use the reconciliation process, which enables them to avoid a Democratic filibuster in the Senate, to extend tax breaks that are scheduled to expire in 2025. "I want to place our industry in a place to make sure that the biofuels tax credit is part of reconciliation," said Kailee Tkacz Buller, president of the National Oilseed Processors Association. But lawmakers "could punt the biofuels discussion if stakeholders aren't aligned." A decade ago, biofuel policy was a simple tug-of-war between the oil and agriculture industries. Now many refiners formerly critical of the Renewable Fuel Standard produce ethanol and advanced biofuels themselves. And the increasingly diverse biofuels industry could complicate efforts to present a united front to Congress. Farm groups worry about carbon intensity scoring hurting crop demand and have lobbied to curtail record-high feedstock imports, to the chagrin of some biorefineries. Those producers are no monolith either: Biodiesel plants often rely more on local vegetable oils, while ethanol producers insist on keeping incentives that do not discriminate by fuel type and some oil majors would back subsidizing fuels co-processed with petroleum. Add airlines into the picture, which want greater incentives for aviation fuels, and marketers frustrated by 45Z shifting subsidies away from blenders — and the threat of fractious negotiations next year becomes clear. There are options for potential compromise, according to an Argus analysis of comments submitted privately to Republicans in the House of Representatives, as well as interviews with energy lobbyists and tax experts. The industry, frustrated by the Biden administration's delays in clarifying 45Z's rules, might welcome legislative changes that limit regulatory discretion regardless of what agency guidance eventually says. And lobbyists have floated various ways to appease agriculture groups without kneecapping biorefineries reliant on imports, including adding domestic content bonuses, imposing stricter requirements for Chinese-origin used cooking oil, and giving preference to close trading partners. Granted, unanimity among lobbyists is hardly a priority for Republican tax-writers. Reaching any consensus in the restive caucus, with just a handful of votes to spare in the House, will be difficult enough. "These types of bills always come to down to what's the most you can do before you start losing enough votes to pass it," said Jeff Navin, cofounder of the clean energy advocacy firm Boundary Stone Partners and a former House and Senate staffer. "Because they can only lose a couple of votes, there's not much more beyond that." And the caucus's goal of cutting spending makes an industry-wide goal — extending the 45Z credit into the 2030s — even more challenging. "It is a hard sell to get the extension right away," said Paul Winters, director of public affairs at Clean Fuels Alliance America. Climate costs Cost concerns also make less likely a simple return to the long-running blenders credit, which offered $1/USG across the board to biomass-based diesel. The US Joint Committee on Taxation in 2022 scored the two-year blenders extension at $5.5bn, while pegging three years of 45Z at less than $3bn. An inconvenient reality for Republicans skeptical of climate change is that 45Z's throttling of subsidies based on carbon intensity makes it more budget-friendly. Lawmakers have other reasons to not ignore emissions. Policies elsewhere, including California's low-carbon fuel standard and Europe's alternative jet fuel mandates, increasingly prioritize sustainability. The US deviating from that focus federally could leave producers with contradictory incentives, making it harder to turn a profit. And companies that have already sunk funds into reducing emissions — such as ethanol producers with heavy investments in carbon capture — want their reward. Incentives with bipartisan buy-in are likely more durable over the long run too. Next time Democrats control Washington, liberals may be more willing to scrap a credit they see as padding the profits of agribusiness — but less so if they see it as helping the US decarbonize. By Cole Martin Tax credit changes 40A Blenders Tax Credit 45Z Producers Tax Credit $1/USG Up to $1/USG for road fuels and up to $1.75/USG for aviation fuels depending on carbon intensity For domestic fuel blenders For domestic fuel producers Imported fuel eligible Imported fuel not eligible Exclusively for biomass-based diesel Fuels that produce no more than 50kg CO2e/mmBTU are eligible Feedstock-agnostic Carbon intensity scoring incentivizes waste over crop feedstocks Co-processed fuels ineligible Co-processed fuels ineligible Administratively simple Requires federal guidance on how to calculate carbon intensities for different feedstocks and fuel pathways Expiring after 2024 Lasts from 2025 through 2027 Send comments and request more information at feedback@argusmedia.com Copyright © 2024. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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Viewpoint: Brazil may face road bottleneck in 1Q

23/12/24

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23/12/24

Viewpoint: Brazil may face road bottleneck in 1Q

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German heating oil demand dips, diesel stocks reduced

23/12/24

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23/12/24

German heating oil demand dips, diesel stocks reduced

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Viewpoint: China SiMn prices face pressure in 2025

23/12/24

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23/12/24

Viewpoint: China SiMn prices face pressure in 2025

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